One of the stand-by “strikes” was a bill for reducing the elevated railway fare, which at that time was ten cents, to five cents.  In one Legislature the men responsible for the introduction of the bill suffered such an extraordinary change of heart that when the bill came up—­being pushed by zealous radicals who really were honest—­the introducers actually voted against it!  A number of us who had been very doubtful about the principle of the bill voted for it simply because we were convinced that money was being used to stop it, and we hated to seem to side with the corruptionists.  Then there came a wave of popular feeling in its favor, the bill was reintroduced at the next session, the railways very wisely decided that they would simply fight it on its merits, and the entire black horse cavalry contingent, together with all the former friends of the measure, voted against it.  Some of us, who in our anger at the methods formerly resorted to for killing the bill had voted for it the previous year, with much heart-searching again voted for it, as I now think unwisely; and the bill was vetoed by the then Governor, Grover Cleveland.  I believe the veto was proper, and those who felt as I did supported the veto; for although it was entirely right that the fare should be reduced to five cents, which was soon afterwards done, the method was unwise, and would have set a mischievous precedent.

An instance of an opposite kind occurred in connection with a great railway corporation which wished to increase its terminal facilities in one of our great cities.  The representatives of the railway brought the bill to me and asked me to look into it, saying that they were well aware that it was the kind of bill that lent itself to blackmail, and that they wished to get it through on its merits, and invited the most careful examination.  I looked carefully into it, found that the municipal authorities and the property-owners whose property was to be taken favored it, and also found that it was an absolute necessity from the standpoint of the city no less than from the standpoint of the railway.  So I said I would take charge of it if I had guarantees that no money should be used and nothing improper done in order to push it.  This was agreed to.  I was then acting as chairman of the committee before which the bill went.

A very brief experience proved what I had already been practically sure of, that there was a secret combination of the majority of the committee on a crooked basis.  On one pretext or another the crooked members of the committee held the bill up, refusing to report it either favorably or unfavorably.  There were one or two members of the committee who were pretty rough characters, and when I decided to force matters I was not sure that we would not have trouble.  There was a broken chair in the room, and I got a leg of it loose and put it down beside me where it was not visible, but where I might get at it in a hurry if necessary.  I moved that the