by the simple process of striking out everything after
the enacting clause and unobtrusively substituting
the proposal to remit the elevated railway taxes!
The authors of the change wished to avoid unseemly
publicity; their hope was to slip the measure through
the Legislature and have it instantly signed by the
Governor, before any public attention was excited.
In the Senate their plan worked to perfection.
There was in the Senate no fighting leadership of
the forces of decency; and for such leadership of
the non-fighting type the representatives of corruption
cared absolutely nothing. By bold and adroit management
the substitution in the Senate was effected without
opposition or comment. The bill (in reality,
of course, an absolutely new and undebated bill) then
came back to the House nominally as a merely amended
measure, which, under the rules, was not open to debate
unless the amendment was first by vote rejected.
This was the great bill of the session for the lobby;
and the lobby was keenly alive to the need of quick,
wise action. No public attention whatever had
so far been excited. Every measure was taken
to secure immediate and silent action. A powerful
leader, whom the beneficiaries of the bill trusted,
a fearless and unscrupulous man, of much force and
great knowledge of parliamentary law, was put in the
chair. Costello and I were watched; and when for
a moment we were out of the House, the bill was brought
over from the Senate, and the clerk began to read
it, all the black horse cavalry, in expectant mood,
being in their seats. But Mike Costello, who
was in the clerk’s room, happened to catch a
few words of what was being read. In he rushed,
despatched a messenger for me, and began a single-handed
filibuster. The Speaker pro tem called him to
order. Mike continued to speak and protest; the
Speaker hammered him down; Mike continued his protests;
the sergeant-at-arms was sent to arrest and remove
him; and then I bounced in, and continued the protest,
and refused to sit down or be silent. Amid wild
confusion the amendment was declared adopted, and the
bill was ordered engrossed and sent to the Governor.
But we had carried our point. The next morning
the whole press rang with what had happened; every
detail of the bill, and every detail of the way it
had been slipped through the Legislature, were made
public. All the slow and cautious men in the
House, who had been afraid of taking sides, now came
forward in support of us. Another debate was held
on the proposal to rescind the vote; the city authorities
waked up to protest; the Governor refused to sign
the bill. Two or three years later, after much
litigation, the taxes were paid; in the newspapers
it was stated that the amount was over $1,500,000.
It was Mike Costello to whom primarily was due the
fact that this sum was saved the public, and that the
forces of corruption received a stinging rebuff.
He did not expect recognition or reward for his services;
and he got none. The public, if it knew of what
he had done, promptly forgot it. The machine did
not forget it, and turned him down at the next election.