These two letters, written in the spring of 1899, express clearly the views of the two elements of the Republican party, whose hostility gradually grew until it culminated, thirteen years later.  In 1912 the political and financial forces of which Mr. Platt had once been the spokesman, usurped the control of the party machinery and drove out of the party the men who were loyally endeavoring to apply the principles of the founders of the party to the needs and issues of their own day.

I had made up my mind that if I could get a show in the Legislature the bill would pass, because the people had become interested and the representatives would scarcely dare to vote the wrong way.  Accordingly, on April 27, 1899, I sent a special message to the Assembly, certifying that the emergency demanded the immediate passage of the bill.  The machine leaders were bitterly angry, and the Speaker actually tore up the message without reading it to the Assembly.  That night they were busy trying to arrange some device for the defeat of the bill—­which was not difficult, as the session was about to close.  At seven the next morning I was informed of what had occurred.  At eight I was in the Capitol at the Executive chamber, and sent in another special message, which opened as follows:  “I learn that the emergency message which I sent last evening to the Assembly on behalf of the Franchise Tax Bill has not been read.  I therefore send hereby another message on the subject.  I need not impress upon the Assembly the need of passing this bill at once.”  I sent this message to the Assembly, by my secretary, William J. Youngs, afterwards United States District Attorney of Kings, with an intimation that if this were not promptly read I should come up in person and read it.  Then, as so often happens, the opposition collapsed and the bill went through both houses with a rush.  I had in the House stanch friends, such as Regis Post and Alford Cooley, men of character and courage, who would have fought to a finish had the need arisen.

My troubles were not at an end, however.  The bill put the taxation in the hands of the local county boards, and as the railways sometimes passed through several different counties, this was inadvisable.  It was the end of the session, and the Legislature adjourned.  The corporations affected, through various counsel, and the different party leaders of both organizations, urged me not to sign the bill, laying especial stress on this feature, and asking that I wait until the following year, when a good measure could be put through with this obnoxious feature struck out.  I had thirty days under the law in which to sign the bill.  If I did not sign it by the end of that time it would not become a law.  I answered my political and corporation friends by telling them that I agreed with them that this feature was wrong, but that I would rather have the bill with this feature than not have it at all; and that I was not willing to trust to what might be done a year later.  Therefore, I explained, I would reconvene the Legislature in special session, and if the legislators chose to amend the bill by placing the power of taxation in the State instead of in the county or municipality, I would be glad; but that if they failed to amend it, or amended it improperly, I would sign the original bill and let it become law as it was.