to the knife, and my destruction, and perhaps the destruction of the party.  I said I was very sorry, that I could not yield, and if the war came it would have to come, and that next morning I should send in the name of the Superintendent’s successor.  We parted, and soon afterwards I received from the man who was at the moment Mr. Platt’s right-hand lieutenant a request to know where he could see me that evening.  I appointed the Union League Club.  My visitor went over the old ground, explained that the Senator would under no circumstances yield, that he was certain to win in the fight, that my reputation would be destroyed, and that he wished to save me from such a lamentable smash-up as an ending to my career.  I could only repeat what I had already said, and after half an hour of futile argument I rose and said that nothing was to be gained by further talk and that I might as well go.  My visitor repeated that I had this last chance, and that ruin was ahead of me if I refused it; whereas, if I accepted, everything would be made easy.  I shook my head and answered, “There is nothing to add to what I have already said.”  He responded, “You have made up your mind?” and I said, “I have.”  He then said, “You know it means your ruin?” and I answered, “Well, we will see about that,” and walked toward the door.  He said, “You understand, the fight will begin to-morrow and will be carried on to the bitter end.”  I said, “Yes,” and added, as I reached the door, “Good night.”  Then, as the door opened, my opponent, or visitor, whichever one chooses to call him, whose face was as impassive and as inscrutable as that of Mr. John Hamlin in a poker game, said:  “Hold on!  We accept.  Send in So-and-so [the man I had named].  The Senator is very sorry, but he will make no further opposition!” I never saw a bluff carried more resolutely through to the final limit.  My success in the affair, coupled with the appointment of Messrs. Partridge and Hooker, secured me against further effort to interfere with my handling of the executive departments.

It was in connection with the insurance business that I first met Mr. George W. Perkins.  He came to me with a letter of introduction from the then Speaker of the National House of Representatives, Tom Reed, which ran:  “Mr. Perkins is a personal friend of mine, whose straightforwardness and intelligence will commend to you whatever he has to say.  If you will give him proper opportunity to explain his business, I have no doubt that what he will say will be worthy of your attention.”  Mr. Perkins wished to see me with reference to a bill that had just been introduced in the Legislature, which aimed to limit the aggregate volume of insurance that any New York State company could assume.  There were then three big insurance companies in New York—­the Mutual Life, Equitable, and New York Life.  Mr. Perkins was a Vice-President of the New York Life Insurance Company and Mr. John A. McCall was its President.  I had just finished my fight against the Superintendent