the poor dead beasts proved quite inadequate, although every nerve was strained to the limit.  In consequence we received scores of complaints from persons before whose doors dead horses had remained, festering in the heat, for two or three days.  One irascible man sent us furious denunciations, until we were at last able to send a big dray to drag away the horse that lay dead before his shop door.  The huge dray already contained eleven other dead horses, and when it reached this particular door it broke down, and it was hours before it could be moved.  The unfortunate man who had thus been cursed with a granted wish closed his doors in despair and wrote us a final pathetic letter in which he requested us to remove either the horses or his shop, he didn’t care which.

I have spoken before of my experience with the tenement-house cigar factory law which the highest court of New York State declared unconstitutional.  My experience in the Police Department taught me that not a few of the worst tenement-houses were owned by wealthy individuals, who hired the best and most expensive lawyers to persuade the courts that it was “unconstitutional” to insist on the betterment of conditions.  These business men and lawyers were very adroit in using a word with fine and noble associations to cloak their opposition to vitally necessary movements for industrial fair play and decency.  They made it evident that they valued the Constitution, not as a help to righteousness, but as a means for thwarting movements against unrighteousness.  After my experience with them I became more set than ever in my distrust of those men, whether business men or lawyers, judges, legislators, or executive officers, who seek to make of the Constitution a fetich for the prevention of the work of social reform, for the prevention of work in the interest of those men, women, and children on whose behalf we should be at liberty to employ freely every governmental agency.

Occasionally during the two years we had to put a stop to riotous violence, and now and then on these occasions some of the labor union leaders protested against the actions of the police.  By this time I was becoming a strong believer in labor unions, a strong believer in the rights of labor.  For that very reason I was all the more bound to see that lawlessness and disorder were put down, and that no rioter was permitted to masquerade under the guise of being a friend of labor or a sympathizer with labor.  I was scrupulous to see that the labor men had fair play; that, for instance, they were allowed to picket just so far as under the law picketing could be permitted, so that the strikers had ample opportunity peacefully to persuade other labor men not to take their places.  But I made it clearly and definitely understood that under no circumstances would I permit violence or fail to insist upon the keeping of order.  If there were wrongs, I would join with a full heart in striving to have them corrected.  But where