In this extraordinary war, extraordinary developments have manifested themselves, such as have not been seen in former wars; and among these manifestations nothing has been more remarkable than these fairs for the relief of suffering soldiers and their families.  And the chief agents of these fairs are the women of America.

I am not accustomed to the use of language of eulogy:  I have never studied the art of paying compliments to women; but I must say, that if all that has been said by orators and poets since the creation of the world in praise of women were applied to the women of America, it would not do them justice for their conduct during this war.  I will close by saying, God bless the women of America.

REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE WORKINGMEN’S ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK,

March 21, 1864.

Gentlemen of the committee: 

The honorary membership in your association, as generously tendered, is gratefully accepted.

You comprehend, as your address shows, that the existing rebellion means more and tends to do more than the perpetuation of African slavery—­that it is, in fact, a war upon the rights of all working people.  Partly to show that this view has not escaped my attention, and partly that I cannot better express myself, I read a passage from the message to Congress in December, 1861: 

“It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government, the rights of the people.  Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the General tone of the insurgents.  In those documents we find the abridgment of the existing right of suffrage, and the denial to the people of all right to participate in the selection of public officers, except the legislature, boldly advocated, with labored argument to prove that large control of the people in government is the source of all political evil.  Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people.  In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism.

“It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a General argument should be made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point, with its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief attention.  It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing, if not above labor, in the structure of government.  It is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to labor.  This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent or buy them, and drive them to