I have learned that many approve the course taken with
Mr. Vallandigham, while I have not heard of a single
one condemning it. I cannot assert that there
are none such. And the name of President Jackson
recalls an instance of pertinent history. After
the battle of New Orleans, and while the fact that
the treaty of peace had been concluded was well known
in the city, but before official knowledge of it had
arrived, General Jackson still maintained martial
or military law. Now that it could be said that
the war was over, the clamor against martial law, which
had existed from the first, grew more furious.
Among other things, a Mr. Louaillier published a denunciatory
newspaper article. General Jackson arrested him.
A lawyer by the name of Morel procured the United
States Judge Hall to order a writ of habeas corpus
to release Mr. Louaillier. General Jackson arrested
both the lawyer and the judge. A Mr. Hollander
ventured to say of some part of the matter that “it
was a dirty trick.” General Jackson arrested
him. When the officer undertook to serve the
writ of habeas corpus, General Jackson took it from
him, and sent him away with a copy. Holding the
judge in custody a few days, the general sent him
beyond the limits of his encampment, and set him at
liberty with an order to remain till the ratification
of peace should be regularly announced, or until the
British should have left the southern coast. A
day or two more elapsed, the ratification of the treaty
of peace was regularly announced, and the judge and
others were fully liberated. A few days more,
and the judge called General Jackson into court and
fined him $1000 for having arrested him and the others
named. The General paid the fine, and then the
matter rested for nearly thirty years, when Congress
refunded principal and interest. The late Senator
Douglas, then in the House of Representatives, took
a leading part in the debates, in which the constitutional
question was much discussed. I am not prepared
to say whom the journals would show to have voted
for the measure.
It may be remarked—first, that we had the
same Constitution then as now; secondly, that we then
had a case of invasion, and now we have a case of
rebellion; and, thirdly, that the permanent right of
the people to public discussion, the liberty of speech
and of the press, the trial by jury, the law of evidence,
and the habeas corpus suffered no detriment whatever
by that conduct of General Jackson, or its subsequent
approval by the American Congress.
And yet, let me say that, in my own discretion, I
do not know whether I would have ordered the arrest
of Mr. Vallandigham. While I cannot shift the
responsibility from myself, I hold that, as a general
rule, the commander in the field is the better judge
of the necessity in any particular case. Of course
I must practice a general directory and revisory power
in the matter.