I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it.  What I object to is, that I, as President, shall expressly or impliedly seize and exercise the permanent legislative functions of the government.

So much as to principle.  Now as to policy.  No doubt the thing was popular in some quarters, and would have been more so if it had been a general declaration of emancipation.  The Kentucky Legislature would not budge till that proclamation was modified; and General Anderson telegraphed me that on the news of General Fremont having actually issued deeds of manumission, a whole company of our volunteers threw down their arms and disbanded.  I was so assured as to think it probable that the very arms we had furnished Kentucky would be turned against us.  I think to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game.  Kentucky gone, we cannot hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland.  These all against us, and the job on our hands is too large for us.  We would as well consent to separation at once, including the surrender of this Capital.  On the contrary, if you will give up your restlessness for new positions, and back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind friends gave me the election and have approved in my public documents, we shall go through triumphantly.  You must not understand I took my course on the proclamation because of Kentucky.  I took the same ground in a private letter to General Fremont before I heard from Kentucky.

You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General Fremont to shoot men under the proclamation.  I understand that part to be within military law, but I also think, and so privately wrote General Fremont, that it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries have the power, and will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of our men as we shoot of theirs.  I did not say this in the public letter, because it is a subject I prefer not to discuss in the hearing of our enemies.

There has been no thought of removing General Fremont on any ground connected with his proclamation, and if there has been any wish for his removal on any ground, our mutual friend Sam.  Glover can probably tell you what it was.  I hope no real necessity for it exists on any ground.

Your friend, as ever,
A. Lincoln

MEMORANDUM FOR A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN [OCTOBER 1?] 1861

On or about the 5th of October (the exact date to be determined hereafter) I wish a movement made to seize and hold a point on the railroad connecting Virginia and Tennessee near the mountain-pass called Cumberland Gap.  That point is now guarded against us by Zollicoffer, with 6000 or 8000 rebels at Barboursville Ky.,—­say twenty-five miles from the Gap, toward Lexington.  We have a force of 5000 or 6000 under General Thomas, at Camp Dick Robinson, about twenty-five miles from Lexington and seventy-five from Zollicoffer’s camp, On the road between