This is the entire quotation brought forward to prove that somebody previous to three years ago had said the negro was not included in the term “all men” in the Declaration.  How does it do so?  In what way has it a tendency to prove that?  Mr. Clay says it is true as an abstract principle that all men are created equal, but that we cannot practically apply it in all eases.  He illustrates this by bringing forward the cases of females, minors, and insane persons, with whom it cannot be enforced; but he says it is true as an abstract principle in the organization of society as well as in organized society and it should be kept in view as a fundamental principle.  Let me read a few words more before I add some comments of my own.  Mr. Clay says, a little further on: 

“I desire no concealment of my opinions in regard to the institution of slavery.  I look upon it as a great evil, and deeply lament that we have derived it from the parental government and from our ancestors.  I wish every slave in the United States was in the country of his ancestors.  But here they are, and the question is, How can they be best dealt with?  If a state of nature existed, and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man would be more strongly opposed than I should be to incorporate the institution of slavery amongst its elements.”

Now, here in this same book, in this same speech, in this same extract, brought forward to prove that Mr. Clay held that the negro was not included in the Declaration of Independence, is no such statement on his part, but the declaration that it is a great fundamental truth which should be constantly kept in view in the organization of society and in societies already organized.  But if I say a word about it; if I attempt, as Mr. Clay said all good men ought to do, to keep it in view; if, in this “organized society,” I ask to have the public eye turned upon it; if I ask, in relation to the organization of new Territories, that the public eye should be turned upon it, forthwith I am vilified as you hear me to-day.  What have I done that I have not the license of Henry Clay’s illustrious example here in doing?  Have I done aught that I have not his authority for, while maintaining that in organizing new Territories and societies this fundamental principle should be regarded, and in organized society holding it up to the public view and recognizing what he recognized as the great principle of free government?

And when this new principle—­this new proposition that no human being ever thought of three years ago—­is brought forward, I combat it as having an evil tendency, if not an evil design.  I combat it as having a tendency to dehumanize the negro, to take away from him the right of ever striving to be a man.  I combat it as being one of the thousand things constantly done in these days to prepare the public mind to make property, and nothing but property, of the negro in all the States of this Union.