There is one other point.  Judge Douglas has a very affectionate leaning toward the Americans and Old Whigs.  Last evening, in a sort of weeping tone, he described to us a death-bed scene.  He had been called to the side of Mr. Clay, in his last moments, in order that the genius of “popular sovereignty” might duly descend from the dying man and settle upon him, the living and most worthy successor.  He could do no less than promise that he would devote the remainder of his life to “popular sovereignty”; and then the great statesman departs in peace.  By this part of the “plan of the campaign” the Judge has evidently promised himself that tears shall be drawn down the cheeks of all Old Whigs, as large as half-grown apples.

Mr. Webster, too, was mentioned; but it did not quite come to a death-bed scene as to him.  It would be amusing, if it were not disgusting, to see how quick these compromise-breakers administer on the political effects of their dead adversaries, trumping up claims never before heard of, and dividing the assets among themselves.  If I should be found dead to-morrow morning, nothing but my insignificance could prevent a speech being made on my authority, before the end of next week.  It so happens that in that “popular sovereignty” with which Mr. Clay was identified, the Missouri Compromise was expressly reversed; and it was a little singular if Mr. Clay cast his mantle upon Judge Douglas on purpose to have that compromise repealed.

Again, the Judge did not keep faith with Mr. Clay when he first brought in his Nebraska Bill.  He left the Missouri Compromise unrepealed, and in his report accompanying the bill he told the world he did it on purpose.  The manes of Mr. Clay must have been in great agony till thirty days later, when “popular sovereignty” stood forth in all its glory.

One more thing.  Last night Judge Douglas tormented himself with horrors about my disposition to make negroes perfectly equal with white men in social and political relations.  He did not stop to show that I have said any such thing, or that it legitimately follows from anything I have said, but he rushes on with his assertions.  I adhere to the Declaration of Independence.  If Judge Douglas and his friends are not willing to stand by it, let them come up and amend it.  Let them make it read that all men are created equal except negroes.  Let us have it decided whether the Declaration of Independence, in this blessed year of 1858, shall be thus amended.  In his construction of the Declaration last year, he said it only meant that Americans in America were equal to Englishmen in England.  Then, when I pointed out to him that by that rule he excludes the Germans, the Irish, the Portuguese, and all the other people who have come among us since the revolution, he reconstructs his construction.  In his last speech he tells us it meant Europeans.

I press him a little further, and ask if it meant to include the Russians in Asia; or does he mean to exclude that vast population from the principles of our Declaration of Independence?  I expect ere long he will introduce another amendment to his definition.  He is not at all particular.  He is satisfied with anything which does not endanger the nationalizing of negro slavery.  It may draw white men down, but it must not lift negroes up.