of their own choosing very apparent.  Equally difficult to perceive is the military necessity for forcibly interposing to prevent a bank from loaning its own money to the State.  These things, if they have occurred, are, at the best, no better than gratuitous hostility.  I wish I could hope that they may be shown not to have occurred.  To make assurance against misunderstanding, I repeat that in the existing condition of things in Louisiana, the military must not be thwarted by the civil authority; and I add that on points of difference the commanding general must be judge and master.  But I also add that in the exercise of this judgment and control, a purpose, obvious, and scarcely unavowed, to transcend all military necessity, in order to crush out the civil government, will not be overlooked.

Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.

REPLY TO MARYLAND UNION COMMITTEE, NOVEMBER 17, 1864.

The President, in reply, said that he had to confess he had been duly notified of the intention to make this friendly call some days ago, and in this he had had a fair opportunity afforded to be ready with a set speech; but he had not prepared one, being too busy for that purpose.  He would say, however, that he was gratified with the result of the presidential election.  He had kept as near as he could to the exercise of his best judgment for the interest of the whole country, and to have the seal of approbation stamped on the course he had pursued was exceedingly grateful to his feelings.  He thought he could say, in as large a sense as any other man, that his pleasure consisted in belief that the policy he had pursued was the best, if not the only one, for the safety of the country.

He had said before, and now repeated, that he indulged in no feeling of triumph over any man who thought or acted differently from himself.  He had no such feeling toward any living man.  When he thought of Maryland, in particular, he was of the opinion that she had more than double her share in what had occurred in the recent elections.  The adoption of a free-State constitution was a greater thing than the part taken by the people of the State in the presidential election.  He would any day have stipulated to lose Maryland in the presidential election to save it by the adoption of a free-State constitution, because the presidential election comes every four years, while that is a thing which, being done, cannot be undone.  He therefore thought that in that they had a victory for the right worth a great deal more than their part in the presidential election, though of the latter he thought highly.  He had once before said, but would say again, that those who have differed with us and opposed us will see that the result of the presidential election is better for their own good than if they had been successful.

Thanking the committee for their compliment, he brought his brief speech to a close.