We pursue the same distribution of power and responsibility when we pass to the States.  The federal government is not to interfere in what the State can do and ought to do for itself; the State is not to meddle with what the county can best do for itself; nor the county in the affairs best administered by the town and the municipality.  And so we come to the individual citizen.  He cannot delegate his responsibility.  The government even of the smallest community must be, at least is, run by parties and by party machinery.  But if he wants good government, he must pay as careful attention to the machinery,—­call it caucus, primary, convention, town-meeting,—­as he does to the machinery of his own business.  If he hands it over to bosses, who make politics a trade for their own livelihood, he will find himself in the condition of stockholders of a bank whose directors are mere dummies, when some day the cashier packs the assets and goes on a foreign journey for his health.  When the citizen simply does his duty in the place where he stands, the boss will be eliminated, in the nation, in the State, in the town, and we shall have, what by courtesy we say we have now, a government by the people.  Then all the way down from the capital to the city ward, we shall have vital popular government, free action, discussion, agitation, life.  What an anomaly it is, that a free people, reputed shrewd and intelligent, should intrust their most vital interests, the making of their laws, the laying of their taxes, the spending of their money, even their education and the management of their public institutions, into the keeping of political bosses, whom they would not trust to manage the least of their business affairs, nor to arbitrate on what is called a trial of speed at an agricultural fair.

But a good government, the best government, is only an opportunity.  However vast the country may become in wealth and population, it cannot rise in quality above the average of the majority of its citizens; and its goodness will be tested in history by its value to the average man, not by its bigness, not by its power, but by its adaptability to the people governed, so as to develop the best that is in them.  It is incidental and imperative that the country should be an agreeable one to live in; but it must be more than that, it must be favorable to the growth of the higher life.  The Puritan community of Massachusetts Bay, whose spirit we may happily contrast with that of the Pilgrims whose anniversary we celebrate, must have been as disagreeable to live in as any that history records; not only were the physical conditions of life hard, but its inquisitorial intolerance overmatched that which it escaped in England.  It was a theocratic despotism, untempered by recreation or amusement, and repressive not only of freedom of expression but of freedom of thought.  But it had an unconquerable will, a mighty sense of duty, a faith in God, which not only established its grip upon the continent but