The next morning Mr. Mavick’s card gave him instant admission to the inner office of Mr. Henderson, the approach to whom was more carefully guarded than that to the President of the United States.  This was not merely necessary to save him from the importunities of cranks who might carry concealed dynamite arguments, but as well to protect him from hundreds of business men with whom he was indirectly dealing, and with whom he wished to evade explanations.  He thoroughly understood the advantages of delay.  He also understood the value of the mystery that attends inaccessibility.  Even Mr. Mavick himself was impressed by the show of ceremony, by the army of clerks, and by the signs of complete organization.  He knew that the visitor was specially favored who penetrated these precincts so far as to get an interview, usually fruitless, with Henderson’s confidential man.  This confidential man was a very grave and confidence-begetting person, who dealt out dubious hints and promises, and did not at all mind when Henderson found it necessary to repudiate as unauthorized anything that had been apparently said in his name.  To be sure, this gave a general impression that Henderson was an inscrutable man to deal with, but at the same time it was confessed that his spoken word could be depended on.  Anything written might, it is true, lead to litigation, and this gave rise to a saying in the Street that Henderson’s word was better than his bond.

Henderson was not a politician, but he was a friend of politicians.  It was said that he contributed about equally to both sides in a political campaign, and that this showed patriotism more than partisanship.  It was for his interest to have friends on both sides in Congress, and friends in the Cabinet, and it was even hinted that he was concerned to have men whose economic and financial theories accorded with his own on the Supreme Bench.  He had unlimited confidence in the power of money.  His visitor of the morning was not unlike him in many respects.  He also was not a politician.  He would have described himself as a governmental man, and had a theory of running the government with as little popular interference as possible.  He regarded himself as belonging to the governing class.

Between these two men, who each had his own interests in view, there was naturally an apparent putting aside of reserve.

“I was very glad to make your acquaintance, Mr. Mavick,” said Henderson, cordially.  “I have known of you for a long time.”

“Yes?  I’ve been in the employ of the government for some time.”

“And I suppose it pays pretty well,” said Henderson, smilingly.

“Oh, extravagantly,” Mavick rejoined, in the same spirit.  “You just about get your board and clothes out of government.  Your washing is another thing.  You are expected, you know, to have your washing done where you vote.”

“Well, it’s a sure thing.”

“Yes, till you are turned out.  You know the theory at Washington is that virtue is its own reward.  Tom Fakeltree says it’s enough.”