Orleans, General Banks wrote me that he was confident that the people, with his military co-operation, would reconstruct substantially on that plan.  I wrote to him and some of them to try it.  They tried it, and the result is known.  Such has been my only agency in getting up the Louisiana government.  As to sustaining it my promise is out, as before stated.  But, as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat this as a bad promise and break it, whenever I shall be convinced that keeping it is adverse to the public interest; but I have not yet been so convinced.  I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be an able one, in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has not seemed to be definitely fixed upon the question whether the seceded States, so called, are in the Union or out of it.  It would perhaps add astonishment to his regret were he to learn that since I have found professed Union men endeavoring to answer that question, I have purposely forborne any public expression upon it.  As appears to me, that question has not been nor yet is a practically material one, and that any discussion of it, while it thus remains practically immaterial, could have no effect other than the mischievous one of dividing our friends.  As yet, whatever it may become, that question is bad as the basis of a controversy, and good for nothing at all—­a merely pernicious abstraction.  We all agree that the seceded States, so called, are out of their proper practical relation with the Union, and that the sole object of the Government, civil and military, in regard to those States, is to again get them into their proper practical relation.  I believe that it is not only possible, but in fact easier, to do this without deciding or even considering whether those States have ever been out of the Union, than with it.  Finding themselves safely at home, it would be utterly immaterial whether they had been abroad.  Let us all join in doing the acts necessary to restore the proper practical relations between these States and the Union, and each forever after innocently indulge his own opinion whether, in doing the acts he brought the States from without into the Union, or only gave them proper assistance, they never having been out of it.  The amount of constituency, so to speak, on which the Louisiana government rests, would be more satisfactory to all if it contained fifty thousand, or thirty thousand, or even twenty thousand, instead of twelve thousand, as it does.  It is also unsatisfactory to some that the elective franchise is not given to the colored man.  I would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the very intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as soldiers.  Still, the question is not whether the Louisiana government, as it stands, is quite all that is desirable.  The question is, Will it be wiser to take it as it is and help to improve it, or to reject and disperse?  Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation