They eat, and that is all; though it is true General Butler is feeding the whites also by the thousand; for it nearly amounts to a famine there.  If, now, the pressure of the war should call off our forces from New Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from reducing the blacks to slavery again? for I am told that whenever the rebels take any black prisoners, free or slave, they immediately auction them off.  They did so with those they took from a boat that was aground in the Tennessee River a few days ago.  And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it!  For instance, when, after the late battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from Washington under a flag of truce to bury the dead and bring in the wounded, and the rebels seized the blacks who went along to help, and sent them into slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the government would probably do nothing about it.  What could I do?

Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire?  Understand, I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy; nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South.  I view this matter as a practical war measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.

I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion, or at least its sine qua non.  The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to act, but they would have been impotent without slavery as their instrument.  I will also concede that emancipation would help us in Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than ambition.  I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine.  Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the war, and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure we could do much with the blacks.  If we were to arm them, I fear that in a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the rebels; and, indeed, thus far we have not had arms enough to equip our white troops.  I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn and contempt.  There are fifty thousand bayonets in the Union armies from the border slave States.  It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of a proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the rebels.  I do not think they all would—­not so many, indeed, as a year ago, or as six months ago—­not so many to-day as yesterday.  Every day increases their Union feeling.  They are also getting their pride enlisted, and want to beat the rebels.  Let me say one thing more:  I think you should admit that we already have an important principle to rally and unite the people, in the fact that constitutional government is at stake.  This is a fundamental idea going down about as deep as anything.