It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy shall be at peace, and in harmony one with another.  Let us Republicans do our part to have it so.  Even though much provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill-temper.  Even though the Southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can.  Judging by all they say and do, and by the subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them.

Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered to them?  We know they will not.  In all their present complaints against us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned.  Invasions and insurrections are the rage now.  Will it satisfy them, in the future, if we have nothing to do with invasions and insurrections?  We know it will not.  We so know because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the charge and the denunciation.

The question recurs, what will satisfy them?  Simply this:  we must not only let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let them alone.  This, we know by experience, is no easy task.  We have been so trying to convince them, from the very beginning of our organization, but with no success.  In all our platforms and speeches, we have constantly protested our purpose to let them alone; but this had no tendency to convince them.  Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them.

These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will convince them?  This, and this only:  cease to call slavery wrong, and join them in calling it right.  And this must be done thoroughly—­done in acts as well as in words.  Silence will not be tolerated—­we must place ourselves avowedly with them.  Douglas’s new sedition law must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, or in private.  We must arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure.  We must pull down our free State constitutions.  The whole atmosphere must be disinfected of all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease to believe that all their troubles proceed from us.  So long as we call slavery wrong, whenever a slave runs away they will overlook the obvious fact that he ran away because he was oppressed, and declare he was stolen off.  Whenever a master cuts his slaves with a lash, and they cry out under it, he will overlook the obvious fact that the negroes cry out because they are hurt, and insist that they were put up to it by some rascally abolitionist.

I am quite aware that they do not state their case precisely in this way.  Most of them would probably say to us, “Let us alone, do nothing to us, and say what you please about slavery.”  But we do let them alone—­have never disturbed them—­so that, after all, it is what we say which dissatisfies them.  They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we cease saying.