the family of States as parent of all, however their action may affect one or the other of these, there is no power or right to interfere.  That is Douglas’s popular sovereignty applied.  Now, I think that there is a real popular sovereignty in the world.  I think the definition of popular sovereignty, in the abstract, would be about this:  that each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with all those things which exclusively concern him.  Applied in government, this principle would be that a general government shall do all those things which pertain to it, and all the local governments shall do precisely as they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern them.

Douglas looks upon slavery as so insignificant that the people must decide that question for themselves; and yet they are not fit to decide who shall be their governor, judge, or secretary, or who shall be any of their officers.  These are vast national matters in his estimation; but the little matter in his estimation is that of planting slavery there.  That is purely of local interest, which nobody should be allowed to say a word about.

Labor is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human comforts and necessities are drawn.  There is a difference in opinion about the elements of labor in society.  Some men assume that there is necessary connection between capital and labor, and that connection draws within it the whole of the labor of the community.  They assume that nobody works unless capital excites them to work.  They begin next to consider what is the best way.  They say there are but two ways:  one is to hire men, and to allure them to labor by their consent; the other is to buy the men, and drive them, to it, and that is slavery.  Having assumed that, they proceed to discuss the question of whether the laborers themselves are better off in the condition of slaves or of hired laborers, and they usually decide that they are better off in the condition of slaves.

In the first place, I say that the whole thing is a mistake.  That there is a certain relation between capital and labor, I admit.  That it does exist, and rightfully exists, I think is true.  That men who are industrious, and sober, and honest in the pursuit of their own interests should after a while accumulate capital, and after that should be allowed to enjoy it in peace, and also, if they should choose, when they have accumulated it, to use it to save themselves from actual labor, and hire other people to labor for them, is right.  In doing so they do not wrong the man they employ, for they find men who have not of their own land to work upon, or shops to work in, and who are benefited by working for others, hired laborers, receiving their capital for it.  Thus a few men, that own capital, hire a few others, and these establish the relation of capital and labor rightfully, a relation of which I make no complaint.  But I insist that that relation, after all, does not embrace more than one eighth of the labor of the country.