The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.  So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection.  The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.

That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them.  To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it?  Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence?  Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from—­will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained.  Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied?  I think not.  Happily the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this.  Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied.  If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution—­certainly would if such a right were a vital one.  But such is not our case.  All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them.  But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration.  No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible questions.  Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority?  The Constitution does not expressly say.  May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories?  The Constitution does not expressly say.  Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories?  The Constitution does not expressly say.

From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities.  If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease.  There is no other alternative; for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other.