[Mr. Lincoln’s private secretary then read Section 12 of the Chicago platform, as follows:]

“That, while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as will encourage the development of the industrial interest of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to working-men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers adequate return for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence.”

As with all general propositions, doubtless, there will be shades of difference in construing this.  I have by no means a thoroughly matured judgment upon this subject, especially as to details; some general ideas are about all.  I have long thought it would be to our advantage to produce any necessary article at home which can be made of as good quality and with as little labor at home as abroad, at least by the difference of the carrying from abroad.  In such case the carrying is demonstrably a dead loss of labor.  For instance, labor being the true standard of value, is it not plain that if equal labor get a bar of railroad iron out of a mine in England and another out of a mine in Pennsylvania, each can be laid down in a track at home cheaper than they could exchange countries, at least by the carriage?  If there be a present cause why one can be both made and carried cheaper in money price than the other can be made without carrying, that cause is an unnatural and injurious one, and ought gradually, if not rapidly, to be removed.  The condition of the treasury at this time would seem to render an early revision of the tariff indispensable.  The Morrill [tariff] bill, now pending before Congress, may or may not become a law.  I am not posted as to its particular provisions, but if they are generally satisfactory, and the bill shall now pass, there will be an end for the present.  If, however, it shall not pass, I suppose the whole subject will be one of the most pressing and important for the next Congress.  By the Constitution, the executive may recommend measures which he may think proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper, and it is supposed that he may add to these certain indirect influences to affect the action of Congress.  My political education strongly inclines me against a very free use of any of these means by the executive to control the legislation of the country.  As a rule, I think it better that Congress should originate as well as perfect its measures without external bias.  I therefore would rather recommend to every gentleman who knows he is to be a member of the next Congress to take an enlarged view, and post himself thoroughly, so as to contribute his part to such an adjustment of the tariff as shall produce a sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, so far as possible, be just and equal to all sections of the country and classes of the people.