of slavery had passed from among us,—there
should be nothing on the face of the great charter
of liberty suggesting that such a thing as negro slavery
had ever existed among us. This is part of the
evidence that the fathers of the government expected
and intended the institution of slavery to come to
an end. They expected and intended that it should
be in the course of ultimate extinction. And
when I say that I desire to see the further spread
of it arrested, I only say I desire to see that done
which the fathers have first done. When I say
I desire to see it placed where the public mind will
rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate
extinction, I only say I desire to see it placed where
they placed it. It is not true that our fathers,
as Judge Douglas assumes, made this government part
slave and part free. Understand the sense in
which he puts it. He assumes that slavery is a
rightful thing within itself,—was introduced
by the framers of the Constitution. The exact
truth is, that they found the institution existing
among us, and they left it as they found it.
But in making the government they left this institution
with many clear marks of disapprobation upon it.
They found slavery among them, and they left it among
them because of the difficulty—the absolute
impossibility—of its immediate removal.
And when Judge Douglas asks me why we cannot let it
remain part slave and part free, as the fathers of
the government made it, he asks a question based upon
an assumption which is itself a falsehood; and I turn
upon him and ask him the question, when the policy
that the fathers of the government had adopted in
relation to this element among us was the best policy
in the world, the only wise policy, the only policy
that we can ever safely continue upon that will ever
give us peace, unless this dangerous element masters
us all and becomes a national institution,—I
turn upon him and ask him why he could not leave it
alone. I turn and ask him why he was driven to
the necessity of introducing a new policy in regard
to it. He has himself said he introduced a new
policy. He said so in his speech on the 22d of
March of the present year, 1858. I ask him why
he could not let it remain where our fathers placed
it. I ask, too, of Judge Douglas and his friends
why we shall not again place this institution upon
the basis on which the fathers left it. I ask
you, when he infers that I am in favor of setting
the free and slave States at war, when the institution
was placed in that attitude by those who made the
Constitution, did they make any war? If we had
no war out of it when thus placed, wherein is the
ground of belief that we shall have war out of it
if we return to that policy? Have we had any peace
upon this matter springing from any other basis?
I maintain that we have not. I have proposed
nothing more than a return to the policy of the fathers.