Writings of Abraham Lincoln, the — Volume 3: the Lincoln-Douglas debates eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 162 pages of information about Writings of Abraham Lincoln, the — Volume 3.

Writings of Abraham Lincoln, the — Volume 3: the Lincoln-Douglas debates eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 162 pages of information about Writings of Abraham Lincoln, the — Volume 3.

“It being the true intent and meaning of this Act, not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.”

Thereupon Judge Douglas and others began to argue in favor of “popular sovereignty,” the right of the people to have slaves if they wanted them, and to exclude slavery if they did not want them.  “But,” said, in substance, a Senator from Ohio (Mr. Chase, I believe), “we more than suspect that you do not mean to allow the people to exclude slavery if they wish to; and if you do mean it, accept an amendment which I propose, expressly authorizing the people to exclude slavery.”

I believe I have the amendment here before me, which was offered, and under which the people of the Territory, through their representatives, might, if they saw fit, prohibit the existence of slavery therein.  And now I state it as a fact, to be taken back if there is any mistake about it, that Judge Douglas and those acting with him voted that amendment down.  I now think that those men who voted it down had a real reason for doing so.  They know what that reason was.  It looks to us, since we have seen the Dred Scott decision pronounced, holding that “under the Constitution” the people cannot exclude slavery, I say it looks to outsiders, poor, simple, “amiable, intelligent gentlemen,” as though the niche was left as a place to put that Dred Scott decision in,—­a niche which would have been spoiled by adopting the amendment.  And now, I say again, if this was not the reason, it will avail the Judge much more to calmly and good-humoredly point out to these people what that other reason was for voting the amendment down, than, swelling himself up, to vociferate that he may be provoked to call somebody a liar.

Again:  There is in that same quotation from the Nebraska Bill this clause:  “It being the true intent and meaning of this bill not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State.”  I have always been puzzled to know what business the word “State” had in that connection.  Judge Douglas knows.  He put it there.  He knows what he put it there for.  We outsiders cannot say what he put it there for.  The law they were passing was not about States, and was not making provisions for States.  What was it placed there for?  After seeing the Dred Scott decision, which holds that the people cannot exclude slavery from a Territory, if another Dred Scott decision shall come, holding that they cannot exclude it from a State, we shall discover that when the word was originally put there, it was in view of something which was to come in due time, we shall see that it was the other half of something.  I now say again, if there is any different reason for putting it there, Judge Douglas, in a good-humored way, without calling anybody a liar, can tell what the reason was.

Copyrights
Project Gutenberg
Writings of Abraham Lincoln, the — Volume 3: the Lincoln-Douglas debates from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.