administration in relation to the war.  If I remember, G. T. M. Davis, who has been through almost the whole war, declares in favor of Mr. Clay; from which I infer that he adopts the sentiments of Mr. Clay, generally at least.  On the other hand, I have heard of but one Whig who has been to the war attempting to justify the President’s conduct.  That one was Captain Bishop, editor of the Charleston Courier, and a very clever fellow.  I do not mean this letter for the public, but for you.  Before it reaches you, you will have seen and read my pamphlet speech, and perhaps been scared anew by it.  After you get over your scare, read it over again, sentence by sentence, and tell me honestly what you think of it.  I condensed all I could for fear of being cut off by the hour rule, and when I got through I had spoken but forty-five minutes.

Yours forever,
A. Lincoln.

TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON.

Washington, February 2, 1848

Dear William:—­I just take my pen to say that Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, a little, slim, pale-faced, consumptive man, with a voice like Logan’s, has just concluded the very best speech of an hour’s length I ever heard.  My old withered dry eyes are full of tears yet.

If he writes it out anything like he delivered it, our people shall see a good many copies of it.

Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.

ON THE MEXICAN WAR

To William H. Herndon.

Washington, February 15, 1848.

Dear William:—­Your letter of the 29th January was received last night.  Being exclusively a constitutional argument, I wish to submit some reflections upon it in the same spirit of kindness that I know actuates you.  Let me first state what I understand to be your position.  It is that if it shall become necessary to repel invasion, the President may, without violation of the Constitution, cross the line and invade the territory of another country, and that whether such necessity exists in any given case the President is the sole judge.

Before going further consider well whether this is or is not your position.  If it is, it is a position that neither the President himself, nor any friend of his, so far as I know, has ever taken.  Their only positions are—­first, that the soil was ours when the hostilities commenced; and second, that whether it was rightfully ours or not, Congress had annexed it, and the President for that reason was bound to defend it; both of which are as clearly proved to be false in fact as you can prove that your house is mine.  The soil was not ours, and Congress did not annex or attempt to annex it.  But to return to your position.  Allow the President to invade a neighboring nation whenever he shall deem it necessary to repel an invasion, and you allow him to do so whenever