all her territory. Lest the questions I have
suggested be considered speculative merely, let me
be indulged a moment in trying to show they are not.
The war has gone on some twenty months; for the expenses
of which, together with an inconsiderable old score,
the President now claims about one half of the Mexican
territory, and that by far the better half, so far
as concerns our ability to make anything out of it.
It is comparatively uninhabited; so that we could
establish land-offices in it, and raise some money
in that way. But the other half is already inhabited,
as I understand it, tolerably densely for the nature
of the country, and all its lands, or all that are
valuable, already appropriated as private property.
How then are we to make anything out of these lands
with this encumbrance on them? or how remove the encumbrance?
I suppose no one would say we should kill the people,
or drive them out, or make slaves of them, or confiscate
their property. How, then, can we make much out
of this part of the territory? If the prosecution
of the war has in expenses already equalled the better
half of the country, how long its future prosecution
will be in equalling the less valuable half is not
a speculative, but a practical, question, pressing
closely upon us. And yet it is a question which
the President seems never to have thought of.
As to the mode of terminating the war and securing
peace, the President is equally wandering and indefinite.
First, it is to be done by a more vigorous prosecution
of the war in the vital parts of the enemy’s
country; and after apparently talking himself tired
on this point, the President drops down into a half-despairing
tone, and tells us that “with a people distracted
and divided by contending factions, and a government
subject to constant changes by successive revolutions,
the continued success of our arms may fail to secure
a satisfactory peace.” Then he suggests
the propriety of wheedling the Mexican people to desert
the counsels of their own leaders, and, trusting in
our protestations, to set up a government from which
we can secure a satisfactory peace; telling us that
“this may become the only mode of obtaining such
a peace.” But soon he falls into doubt
of this too; and then drops back on to the already
half-abandoned ground of “more vigorous prosecution.”
All this shows that the President is in nowise satisfied
with his own positions. First he takes up one,
and in attempting to argue us into it he argues himself
out of it, then seizes another and goes through the
same process, and then, confused at being able to
think of nothing new, he snatches up the old one again,
which he has some time before cast off. His mind,
taxed beyond its power, is running hither and thither,
like some tortured creature on a burning surface,
finding no position on which it can settle down and
be at ease.