Writings of Abraham Lincoln, the — Volume 2: 1843-1858 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 312 pages of information about Writings of Abraham Lincoln, the — Volume 2.

Writings of Abraham Lincoln, the — Volume 2: 1843-1858 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 312 pages of information about Writings of Abraham Lincoln, the — Volume 2.
expressions of representative men.  Mr. Lowndes of South Carolina was never known to commit a political mistake; his was the great judgment of that section; and he declared that this measure “would restore tranquillity to the country—­a result demanded by every consideration of discretion, of moderation, of wisdom, and of virtue.”  When the measure came before President Monroe for his approval, he put to each member of his cabinet this question:  “Has Congress the constitutional power to prohibit slavery in a Territory?” And John C. Calhoun and William H. Crawford from the South, equally with John Quincy Adams, Benjamin Rush, and Smith Thompson from the North, alike answered, “Yes!” without qualification or equivocation; and this measure, of so great consequence to the South, was passed; and Missouri was, by means of it, finally enabled to knock at the door of the Republic for an open passage to its brood of slaves.  And, in spite of this, Freedom’s share is about to be taken by violence—­by the force of misrepresentative votes, not called for by the popular will.  What name can I, in common decency, give to this wicked transaction? [Sensation.]

But even then the contest was not over; for when the Missouri constitution came before Congress for its approval, it forbade any free negro or mulatto from entering the State.  In short, our Illinois “black laws” were hidden away in their constitution [Laughter], and the controversy was thus revived.  Then it was that Mr. Clay’s talents shone out conspicuously, and the controversy that shook the union to its foundation was finally settled to the satisfaction of the conservative parties on both sides of the line, though not to the extremists on either, and Missouri was admitted by the small majority of six in the lower House.  How great a majority, do you think, would have been given had Kansas also been secured for slavery? [A voice:  “A majority the other way.”] “A majority the other way,” is answered.  Do you think it would have been safe for a Northern man to have confronted his constituents after having voted to consign both Missouri and Kansas to hopeless slavery?  And yet this man Douglas, who misrepresents his constituents and who has exerted his highest talents in that direction, will be carried in triumph through the State and hailed with honor while applauding that act. [Three groans for “Dug!”] And this shows whither we are tending.  This thing of slavery is more powerful than its supporters—­even than the high priests that minister at its altar.  It debauches even our greatest men.  It gathers strength, like a rolling snowball, by its own infamy.  Monstrous crimes are committed in its name by persons collectively which they would not dare to commit as individuals.  Its aggressions and encroachments almost surpass belief.  In a despotism, one might not wonder to see slavery advance steadily and remorselessly into new dominions; but is it not wonderful, is it not even alarming, to see its steady advance in a land dedicated to the proposition that “all men are created equal”? [Sensation.]

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Writings of Abraham Lincoln, the — Volume 2: 1843-1858 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.