I well do, that from Louisville to the mouth of the
Ohio there were on board ten or a dozen slaves shackled
together with irons. That sight was a continued
torment to me, and I see something like it every time
I touch the Ohio or any other slave border. It
is not fair for you to assume that I have no interest
in a thing which has, and continually exercises, the
power of making me miserable. You ought rather
to appreciate how much the great body of the Northern
people do crucify their feelings, in order to maintain
their loyalty to the Constitution and the Union.
I do oppose the extension of slavery because my judgment
and feeling so prompt me, and I am under no obligations
to the contrary. If for this you and I must differ,
differ we must. You say, if you were President,
you would send an army and hang the leaders of the
Missouri outrages upon the Kansas elections; still,
if Kansas fairly votes herself a slave State she must
be admitted or the Union must be dissolved. But
how if she votes herself a slave State unfairly, that
is, by the very means for which you say you would
hang men? Must she still be admitted, or the Union
dissolved? That will be the phase of the question
when it first becomes a practical one. In your
assumption that there may be a fair decision of the
slavery question in Kansas, I plainly see you and
I would differ about the Nebraska law. I look
upon that enactment not as a law, but as a violence
from the beginning. It was conceived in violence,
is maintained in violence, and is being executed in
violence. I say it was conceived in violence,
because the destruction of the Missouri Compromise,
under the circumstances, was nothing less than violence.
It was passed in violence because it could not have
passed at all but for the votes of many members in
violence of the known will of their constituents.
It is maintained in violence, because the elections
since clearly demand its repeal; and the demand is
openly disregarded.
You say men ought to be hung for the way they are
executing the law; I say the way it is being executed
is quite as good as any of its antecedents. It
is being executed in the precise way which was intended
from the first, else why does no Nebraska man express
astonishment or condemnation? Poor Reeder is
the only public man who has been silly enough to believe
that anything like fairness was ever intended, and
he has been bravely undeceived.
That Kansas will form a slave constitution, and with
it will ask to be admitted into the Union, I take
to be already a settled question, and so settled by
the very means you so pointedly condemn. By every
principle of law ever held by any court North or South,
every negro taken to Kansas is free; yet, in utter
disregard of this,—in the spirit of violence
merely,—that beautiful Legislature gravely
passes a law to hang any man who shall venture to
inform a negro of his legal rights. This is the
subject and real object of the law. If, like Haman,