commission of Lieutenancy, was filled with Roundheads.  The Tory rectors and vicars were not less exasperated.  They accused the men in power of systematically protecting and preferring Presbyterians, Latitudinarians, Arians, Socinians, Deists, Atheists.  An orthodox divine, a divine who held high the dignity of the priesthood and the mystical virtue of the sacraments, who thought schism as great a sin as theft and venerated the Icon as much as the Gospel, had no more chance of a bishopric or a deanery than a Papist recusant.  Such complaints as these were not likely to call forth the sympathy of the Whig malecontents.  But there were three war cries in which all the enemies of the government, from Trenchard to Seymour, could join:  No standing army; No grants of Crown property; and No Dutchmen.  Multitudes of honest freeholders and freemen were weak enough to believe that, unless the land force, which had already been reduced below what the public safety required, were altogether disbanded, the nation would be enslaved, and that, if the estates which the King had given away were resumed, all direct taxes might be abolished.  The animosity to the Dutch mingled itself both with the animosity to standing armies and with the animosity to Crown grants.  For a brigade of Dutch troops was part of the military establishment which was still kept up; and it was to Dutch favourites that William had been most liberal of the royal domains.

The elections, however, began auspiciously for the government.  The first great contest was in Westminster.  It must be remembered that Westminster was then by far the greatest city in the island, except only the neighbouring city of London, and contained more than three times as large a population as Bristol or Norwich, which came next in size.  The right of voting at Westminster was in the householders paying scot and lot; and the householders paying scot and lot were many thousands.  It is also to be observed that their political education was much further advanced than that of the great majority of the electors of the kingdom.  A burgess in a country town, or a forty shilling freeholder in an agricultural district, then knew little about public affairs except what he could learn from reading the Postman at the alehouse, and from hearing, on the 30th of January, the 29th of May or the 5th of November, a sermon in which questions of state were discussed with more zeal than sense.  But the citizen of Westminster passed his days in the vicinity of the palace, of the public offices, of the houses of parliament, of the courts of law.  He was familiar with the faces and voices of ministers, senators and judges.  In anxious times he walked in the great Hall to pick up news.  When there was an important trial, he looked into the Court of King’s Bench, and heard Cowper and Harcourt contending, and Holt moderating between them.  When there was an interesting debate, in the House of Commons, he could at least squeeze himself into