its dividends had greatly diminished, was still in
existence, and still retained its castles and warehouses,
its fleet of fine merchantmen, and its able and zealous
factors, thoroughly qualified by a long experience
to transact business both in the palaces and in the
bazaars of the East, and accustomed to look for direction
to the India House alone. The private trader
therefore still ran great risk of being treated as
a smuggler, if not as a pirate. He might indeed,
if he was wronged, apply for redress to the tribunals
of his country. But years must elapse before
his cause could be heard; his witnesses must be conveyed
over fifteen thousand miles of sea; and in the meantime
he was a ruined man. The experiment of free trade
with India had therefore been tried under every disadvantage,
or, to speak more correctly, had not been tried at
all. The general opinion had always been that
some restriction was necessary; and that opinion had
been confirmed by all that had happened since the
old restrictions had been removed. The doors
of the House of Commons were again besieged by the
two great contending factions of the City. The
Old Company offered, in return for a monopoly secured
by law, a loan of seven hundred thousand pounds; and
the whole body of Tories was for accepting the offer.
But those indefatigable agitators who had, ever since
the Revolution, been striving to obtain a share in
the trade of the Eastern seas exerted themselves at
this conjuncture more strenuously than ever, and found
a powerful patron in Montague.
That dexterous and eloquent statesman had two objects
in view. One was to obtain for the State, as
the price of the monopoly, a sum much larger than
the Old Company was able to give. The other was
to promote the interest of his own party. Nowhere
was the conflict between Whigs and Tories sharper
than in the City of London; and the influence of the
City of London was felt to the remotest corner of
the realm. To elevate the Whig section of that
mighty commercial aristocracy which congregated under
the arches of the Royal Exchange, and to depress the
Tory section, had long been one of Montague’s
favourite schemes. He had already formed one
citadel in the heart of that great emporium; and he
now thought that it might be in his power to erect
and garrison a second stronghold in a position scarcely
less commanding. It had often been said, in times
of civil war, that whoever was master of the Tower
and of Tilbury Fort was master of London. The
fastnesses by means of which Montague proposed to keep
the capital obedient in times of peace and of constitutional
government were of a different kind. The Bank
was one of his fortresses; and he trusted that a new
India House would be the other.