History of England, from the Accession of James the Second, the — Volume 5 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 347 pages of information about History of England, from the Accession of James the Second, the — Volume 5.

History of England, from the Accession of James the Second, the — Volume 5 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 347 pages of information about History of England, from the Accession of James the Second, the — Volume 5.

Whoever considers without passion or prejudice the great constitutional question which was thus for the first time raised will probably be of opinion that Molyneux was in error.  The right of the Parliament of England to legislate for Ireland rested on the broad general principle that the paramount authority of the mother country extends over all colonies planted by her sons in all parts of the world.  This principle was the subject of much discussion at the time of the American troubles, and was then maintained, without any reservation, not only by the English Ministers, but by Burke and all the adherents of Rockingham, and was admitted, with one single reservation, even by the Americans themselves.  Down to the moment of separation the Congress fully acknowledged the competency of the King, Lords and Commons to make laws, of any kind but one, for Massachusetts and Virginia.  The only power which such men as Washington and Franklin denied to the Imperial legislature was the power of taxing.  Within living memory, Acts which have made great political and social revolutions in our Colonies have been passed in this country; nor has the validity of those Acts ever been questioned; and conspicuous among them were the law of 1807 which abolished the slave trade, and the law of 1833 which abolished slavery.

The doctrine that the parent state has supreme power over the colonies is not only borne out by authority and by precedent, but will appear, when examined, to be in entire accordance with justice and with policy.  During the feeble infancy of colonies independence would be pernicious, or rather fatal, to them.  Undoubtedly, as they grow stronger and stronger, it will be wise in the home government to be more and more indulgent.  No sensible parent deals with a son of twenty in the same way as with a son of ten.  Nor will any government not infatuated treat such a province as Canada or Victoria in the way in which it might be proper to treat a little band of emigrants who have just begun to build their huts on a barbarous shore, and to whom the protection of the flag of a great nation is indispensably necessary.  Nevertheless, there cannot really be more than one supreme power in a society.  If, therefore, a time comes at which the mother country finds it expedient altogether to abdicate her paramount authority over a colony, one of two courses ought to be taken.  There ought to be complete incorporation, if such incorporation be possible.  If not, there ought to be complete separation.  Very few propositions in polities can be so perfectly demonstrated as this, that parliamentary government cannot be carried on by two really equal and independent parliaments in one empire.

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History of England, from the Accession of James the Second, the — Volume 5 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.