The ministers were, one and all, against the recognition.  Indeed, it seems difficult to understand how any person who had any pretensions to the name of statesman should have been of a different opinion.  Torcy took his stand on the ground that to recognise the Prince of Wales would be to violate the Treaty of Ryswick.  This was indeed an impregnable position.  By that treaty His Most Christian Majesty had bound himself to do nothing which could, directly or indirectly, disturb the existing order of things in England.  And in what way, except by an actual invasion, could he do more to disturb the existing order of things in England than by solemnly declaring, in the face of the whole world, that he did not consider that order of things as legitimate, that he regarded the Bill of Rights and the Act of Settlement as nullities, and the King in possession as an usurper?  The recognition would then be a breach of faith; and, even if all considerations of morality were set aside, it was plain that it would, at that moment, be wise in the French government to avoid every thing which could with plausibility be represented as a breach of faith.  The crisis was a very peculiar one.  The great diplomatic victory won by France in the preceding year had excited the fear and hatred of her neighbours.  Nevertheless there was, as yet, no great coalition against her.  The House of Austria, indeed, had appealed to arms.  But with the House of Austria alone the House of Bourbon could easily deal.  Other powers were still looking in doubt to England for the signal; and England, though her aspect was sullen and menacing, still preserved neutrality.  That neutrality would not have lasted so long, if William could have relied on the support of his Parliament and of his people.  In his Parliament there were agents of France, who, though few, had obtained so much influence by clamouring against standing armies, profuse grants, and Dutch favourites, that they were often blindly followed by the majority; and his people, distracted by domestic factions, unaccustomed to busy themselves about continental politics, and remembering with bitterness the disasters and burdens of the last war, the carnage of Landen, the loss of the Smyrna fleet, the land tax at four shillings in the pound, hesitated about engaging in another contest, and would probably continue to hesitate while he continued to live.  He could not live long.  It had, indeed, often been prophesied that his death was at hand; and the prophets had hitherto been mistaken.  But there was now no possibility of mistake.  His cough was more violent than ever; his legs were swollen; his eyes, once bright and clear as those of a falcon, had grown dim; he who, on the day of the Boyne, had been sixteen hours on the backs of different horses, could now with great difficulty creep into his state coach.22 The vigorous intellect, and the intrepid spirit, remained; but on the body fifty years had done the work of ninety.  In a few months the