In this debate the fear and hatred with which many of the best friends of the Government regarded Sunderland were unequivocally manifested.  “It is easy,” such was the language of several members, “it is easy to guess by whom that unhappy sentence was inserted in the speech from the Throne.  No person well acquainted with the disastrous and disgraceful history of the last two reigns can doubt who the minister is, who is now whispering evil counsel in the ear of a third master.”  The Chamberlain, thus fiercely attacked, was very feebly defended.  There was indeed in the House of Commons a small knot of his creatures; and they were men not destitute of a certain kind of ability; but their moral character was as bad as his.  One of them was the late Secretary of the Treasury, Guy, who had been turned out of his place for corruption.  Another was the late Speaker, Trevor, who had, from the chair, put the question whether he was or was not a rogue, and had been forced to pronounce that the Ayes had it.  A third was Charles Duncombe, long the greatest goldsmith of Lombard Street, and now one of the greatest landowners of the North Riding of Yorkshire.  Possessed of a private fortune equal to that of any duke, he had not thought it beneath him to accept the place of Cashier of the Excise, and had perfectly understood how to make that place lucrative; but he had recently been ejected from office by Montague, who thought, with good reason, that he was not a man to be trusted.  Such advocates as Trevor, Guy and Duncombe could do little for Sunderland in debate.  The statesmen of the junto would do nothing for him.  They had undoubtedly owed much to him.  His influence, cooperating with their own great abilities and with the force of circumstances, had induced the King to commit the direction of the internal administration of the realm to a Whig Cabinet.  But the distrust which the old traitor and apostate inspired was not to be overcome.  The ministers could not be sure that he was not, while smiling on them, whispering in confidential tones to them, pouring out, as it might seem, all his heart to them, really calumniating them in the closet or suggesting to the opposition some ingenious mode of attacking them.  They had very recently been thwarted by him.  They were bent on making Wharton a Secretary of State, and had therefore looked forward with impatience to the retirement of Trumball, who was indeed hardly equal to the duties of his great place.  To their surprise and mortification they learned, on the eve of the meeting of Parliament, that Trumball had suddenly resigned, and Vernon, the Under Secretary, had been summoned to Kensington, and had returned thence with the seals.  Vernon was a zealous Whig, and not personally unacceptable to the chiefs of his party.  But the Lord Chancellor, the First Lord of the Treasury, and the First Lord of the Admiralty, might not unnaturally think it strange that a post of the highest importance should have been filled up in opposition to their