The Land Tax Bill, with this clause tacked to it, was carried to the Upper House.  The Peers complained, and not without reason, of this mode of proceeding.  It may, they said, be very proper that Commissioners should be appointed by Act of Parliament to take account of the forfeited property in Ireland.  But they should be appointed by a separate Act.  Then we should be able to make amendments, to ask for conferences, to give and receive explanations.  The Land Tax Bill we cannot amend.  We may indeed reject it; but we cannot reject it without shaking public credit, without leaving the kingdom defenceless, without raising a mutiny in the navy.  The Lords yielded, but not without a protest which was signed by some strong Whigs and some strong Tories.  The King was even more displeased than the Peers.  “This Commission,” he said, in one of his private letters, “will give plenty of trouble next winter.”  It did indeed give more trouble than he at all anticipated, and brought the nation nearer than it has ever since been to the verge of another revolution.

And now the supplies had been voted.  The spring was brightening and blooming into summer.  The lords and squires were sick of London; and the King was sick of England.  On the fourth day of May he prorogued the Houses with a speech very different from the speeches with which he had been in the habit of dismissing the preceding Parliament.  He uttered not one word of thanks or praise.  He expressed a hope that, when they should meet again, they would make effectual provision for the public safety.  “I wish,” these were his concluding words, “no mischief may happen in the mean time.”  The gentlemen who thronged the bar withdrew in wrath, and, as they could not take immediate vengeance, laid up his reproaches in their hearts against the beginning of the next session.

The Houses had broken up; but there was still much to be done before the King could set out for Loo.  He did not yet perceive that the true way to escape from his difficulties was to form an entirely new ministry possessing the confidence of the majority which had, in the late session, been found so unmanageable.  But some partial changes he could not help making.  The recent votes of the Commons forced him seriously to consider the state of the Board of Admiralty.  It was impossible that Orford could continue to preside at that Board and be at the same time Treasurer of the Navy.  He was offered his option.  His own wish was to keep the Treasurership, which was both the more lucrative and the more secure of his two places.  But it was so strongly represented to him that he would disgrace himself by giving up great power for the sake of gains which, rich and childless as he was, ought to have been beneath his consideration, that he determined to remain at the Admiralty.  He seems to have thought that the sacrifice which he had made entitled him to govern despotically the department at which he had been persuaded to remain.