public was less than it had been when the vessels were unseaworthy, when the sailors were riotous, when the food was alive with vermin, when the drink tasted like tanpickle, and when the clothes and hammocks were rotten.  It may, however, be observed that these two representations are not inconsistent with each other; and there is strong reason to believe that both are, to a great extent, true.  Orford was covetous and unprincipled; but he had great professional skill and knowledge, great industry, and a strong will.  He was therefore an useful servant of the state when the interests of the state were not opposed to his own; and this was more than could be said of some who had preceded him.  He was, for example, an incomparably better administrator than Torrington.  For Torrington’s weakness and negligence caused ten times as much mischief as his rapacity.  But, when Orford had nothing to gain by doing what was wrong, he did what was right, and did it ably and diligently.  Whatever Torrington did not embezzle he wasted.  Orford may have embezzled as much as Torrington; but he wasted nothing.

Early in the session, the House of Commons resolved itself into a Committee on the state of the Navy.  This Committee sate at intervals during more than three months.  Orford’s administration underwent a close scrutiny, and very narrowly escaped a severe censure.  A resolution condemning the manner in which his accounts had been kept was lost by only one vote.  There were a hundred and forty against him, and a hundred and forty-one for him.  When the report was presented to the House, another attempt was made to put a stigma upon him.  It was moved that the King should be requested to place the direction of maritime affairs in other hands.  There were a hundred and sixty Ayes to a hundred and sixty-four Noes.  With this victory, a victory hardly to be distinguished from a defeat, his friends were forced to be content.  An address setting forth some of the abuses in the naval department, and beseeching King William to correct them, was voted without a division.  In one of those abuses Orford was deeply interested.  He was First Lord of the Admiralty; and he had held, ever since the Revolution, the lucrative place of Treasurer of the Navy.  It was evidently improper that two offices, one of which was meant to be a check on the other, should be united in the same person; and this the Commons represented to the King.

Questions relating to the military and naval Establishments occupied the attention of the Commons so much during the session that, until the prorogation was at hand, little was said about the resumption of the Crown grants.  But, just before the Land Tax Bill was sent up to the Lords, a clause was added to it by which seven Commissioners were empowered to take account of the property forfeited in Ireland during the late troubles.  The selection of those Commissioners the House reserved to itself.  Every member was directed to bring a list containing the names of seven persons who were not members; and the seven names which appeared in the greatest number of lists were inserted in the bill.  The result of the ballot was unfavourable to the government.  Four of the seven on whom the choice fell were connected with the opposition; and one of them, Trenchard, was the most conspicuous of the pamphleteers who had been during many months employed in raising a cry against the army.