clownish squires who with difficulty managed to spell out Dyer’s Letter over their ale.  Men of sense and temper admitted that William had never shown any disposition to violate the solemn compact which he had made with the nation, and that, even if he were depraved enough to think of destroying the constitution by military violence, he was not imbecile enough to imagine that the Dutch brigade, or five such brigades, would suffice for his purpose.  But such men, while they fully acquitted him of the design attributed to him by factious malignity, could not acquit him of a partiality which it was natural that he should feel, but which it would have been wise in him to hide, and with which it was impossible that his subjects should sympathise.  He ought to have known that nothing is more offensive to free and proud nations than the sight of foreign uniforms and standards.  Though not much conversant with books, he must have been acquainted with the chief events in the history of his own illustrious House; and he could hardly have been ignorant that his great grandfather had commenced a long and glorious struggle against despotism by exciting the States General of Ghent to demand that all Spanish troops should be withdrawn from the Netherlands.  The final parting between the tyrant and the future deliverer was not an event to be forgotten by any of the race of Nassau.  “It was the States, Sir,” said the Prince of Orange.  Philip seized his wrist with a convulsive grasp, and exclaimed, “Not the States, but you, you, you.”

William, however, determined to try whether a request made by himself in earnest and almost supplicating terms would induce his subjects to indulge his national partiality at the expense of their own.  None of his ministers could flatter him with any hope of success.  But on this subject he was too much excited to hear reason.  He sent down to the Commons a message, not merely signed by himself according to the usual form, but written throughout with his own hand.  He informed them that the necessary preparations had been made for sending away the guards who came with him to England, and that they would immediately embark, unless the House should, out of consideration for him, be disposed to retain them, which he should take very kindly.  When the message had been read, a member proposed that a day might be fixed for the consideration of the subject.  But the chiefs of the majority would not consent to any thing which might seem to indicate hesitation, and moved the previous question.  The ministers were in a false position.  It was out of their power to answer Harley when he sarcastically declared that he did not suspect them of having advised His Majesty on this occasion.  If, he said, those gentlemen had thought it desirable that the Dutch brigade should remain in the kingdom, they would have done so before.  There had been many opportunities of raising the question in a perfectly regular manner during the progress of the Disbanding