It must not be supposed however that William ever forgot that his especial, his hereditary, mission was to protect the Reformed Faith.  His influence with Roman Catholic princes was constantly and strenuously exerted for the benefit of their Protestant subjects.  In the spring of 1691, the Waldensian shepherds, long and cruelly persecuted, and weary of their lives, were surprised by glad tidings.  Those who had been in prison for heresy returned to their homes.  Children, who had been taken from their parents to be educated by priests, were sent back.  Congregations, which had hitherto met only by stealth and with extreme peril, now worshipped God without molestation in the face of day.  Those simple mountaineers probably never knew that their fate had been a subject of discussion at the Hague, and that they owed the happiness of their firesides, and the security of their humble temples to the ascendency which William exercised over the Duke of Savoy.8

No coalition of which history has preserved the memory has had an abler chief than William.  But even William often contended in vain against those vices which are inherent in the nature of all coalitions.  No undertaking which requires the hearty and long continued cooperation of many independent states is likely to prosper.  Jealousies inevitably spring up.  Disputes engender disputes.  Every confederate is tempted to throw on others some part of the burden which he ought himself to bear.  Scarcely one honestly furnishes the promised contingent.  Scarcely one exactly observes the appointed day.  But perhaps no coalition that ever existed was in such constant danger of dissolution as the coalition which William had with infinite difficulty formed.  The long list of potentates, who met in person or by their representatives at the Hague, looked well in the Gazettes.  The crowd of princely equipages, attended by manycoloured guards and lacqueys, looked well among the lime trees of the Voorhout.  But the very circumstances which made the Congress more splendid than other congresses made the league weaker than other leagues.  The more numerous the allies, the more numerous were the dangers which threatened the alliance.  It was impossible that twenty governments, divided by quarrels about precedence, quarrels about territory, quarrels about trade, quarrels about religion, could long act together in perfect harmony.  That they acted together during several years in imperfect harmony is to be ascribed to the wisdom, patience and firmness of William.

The situation of his great enemy was very different.  The resources of the French monarchy, though certainly not equal to those of England, Holland, the House of Austria, and the Empire of Germany united, were yet very formidable; they were all collected in a central position; they were all under the absolute direction of a single mind.  Lewis could do with two words what William could hardly bring about by two months of negotiation at Berlin, Munich, Brussels, Turin and Vienna.  Thus France was found equal in effective strength to all the states which were combined against her.  For in the political, as in the natural world, there may be an equality of momentum between unequal bodies, when the body which is inferior in weight is superior in velocity.