There was no interruption of parliamentary business.  While the Abbey was hanging with black for the funeral of the Queen, the Commons came to a vote, which at the time attracted little attention, which produced no excitement, which has been left unnoticed by voluminous annalists, and of which the history can be but imperfectly traced in the archives of Parliament, but which has done more for liberty and for civilisation than the Great Charter or the Bill of Rights.  Early in the session a select committee had been appointed to ascertain what temporary statutes were about to expire, and to consider which of those statutes it might be expedient to continue.  The report was made; and all the recommendations contained in that report were adopted, with one exception.  Among the laws which the committee advised the House to renew was the law which subjected the press to a censorship.  The question was put, “that the House do agree with the committee in the resolution that the Act entitled an Act for preventing Abuses in printing seditious, treasonable and unlicensed Pamphlets, and for regulating of Printing and Printing Presses, be continued.”  The Speaker pronounced that the Noes had it; and the Ayes did not think fit to divide.

A bill for continuing all the other temporary Acts, which, in the opinion of the Committee, could not properly be suffered to expire, was brought in, passed and sent to the Lords.  In a short time this bill came back with an important amendment.  The Lords had inserted in the list of Acts to be continued the Act which placed the press under the control of licensers.  The Commons resolved not to agree to the amendment, demanded a conference, and appointed a committee of managers.  The leading manager was Edward Clarke, a stanch Whig, who represented Taunton, the stronghold, during fifty troubled years, of civil and religious freedom.

Clarke delivered to the Lords in the Painted Chamber a paper containing the reasons which had determined the Lower House not to renew the Licensing Act.  This paper completely vindicates the resolution to which the Commons had come.  But it proves at the same time that they knew not what they were doing, what a revolution they were making, what a power they were calling into existence.  They pointed out concisely, clearly, forcibly, and sometimes with a grave irony which is not unbecoming, the absurdities and iniquities of the statute which was about to expire.  But all their objections will be found to relate to matters of detail.  On the great question of principle, on the question whether the liberty of unlicensed printing be, on the whole, a blessing or a curse to society, not a word is said.  The Licensing Act is condemned, not as a thing essentially evil, but on account of the petty grievances, the exactions, the jobs, the commercial restrictions, the domiciliary visits which were incidental to it.  It is pronounced mischievous because it enables the Company of Stationers