righteous overmuch."431 The authority of the French divines was supported by the authority of the French government.  The language held at Versailles was so strong that James began to be alarmed.  What if Lewis should take serious offence, should think his hospitality ungratefully requited, should conclude a peace with the usurpers, and should request his unfortunate guests to seek another asylum?  It was necessary to submit.  On the seventeenth of April 1693 the Declaration was signed and sealed.  The concluding sentence was a prayer.  “We come to vindicate our own right and to establish the liberties of our people; and may God give us success in the prosecution of the one as we sincerely intend the confirmation of the other!"432 The prayer was heard.  The success of James was strictly proportioned to his sincerity.  What his sincerity was we know on the best evidence.  Scarcely had he called on heaven to witness the truth of his professions, when he directed Melfort to send a copy of the Declaration to Rome with such explanations as might satisfy the Pope.  Melfort’s letter ends thus:  “After all, the object of this Declaration is only to get us back to England.  We shall fight the battle of the Catholics with much greater advantage at Whitehall than at Saint Germains."433

Meanwhile the document from which so much was expected had been despatched to London.  There it was printed at a secret press in the house of a Quaker; for there was among the Quakers a party, small in number, but zealous and active, which had imbibed the politics of William Penn.434 To circulate such a work was a service of some danger; but agents were found.  Several persons were taken up while distributing copies in the streets of the city.  A hundred packets were stopped in one day at the Post Office on their way to the fleet.  But, after a short time, the government wisely gave up the endeavour to suppress what could not be suppressed, and published the Declaration at full length, accompanied by a severe commentary.435

The commentary, however, was hardly needed.  The Declaration altogether failed to produce the effect which Middleton had anticipated.  The truth is that his advice had not been asked till it mattered not what advice he gave.  If James had put forth such a manifesto in January 1689, the throne would probably not have been declared vacant.  If he had put forth such a manifesto when he was on the coast of Normandy at the head of an army, he would have conciliated a large part of the nation, and he might possibly have been joined by a large part of the fleet.  But both in 1689 and in 1692 he had held the language of an implacable tyrant; and it was now too late to affect tenderness of heart and reverence for the constitution of the realm.  The contrast between the new Declaration and the preceding Declaration excited, not without reason, general suspicion and contempt.  What confidence could be placed in the word of a Prince so unstable, of a Prince who