of that which had been sweeter than honey.  Littleton and other leading Whigs spoke on the same side.  Seymour, Finch, and Tredenham, all stanch Tories, were vehement against the bill; and even Sir John Lowther on this point dissented from his friend and patron Caermarthen.  Several Tory orators appealed to a feeling which was strong in the House, and which had, since the Revolution, prevented many laws from passing.  Whatever, they said, comes from the Peers is to be received with suspicion; and the present bill is of such a nature that, even if it were in itself good, it ought to be at once rejected merely because it has been brought down from them.  If their Lordships were to send us the most judicious of all money bills, should we not kick it to the door?  Yet to send us a money bill would hardly be a grosser affront than to send us such a bill as this.  They have taken an initiative which, by every rule of parliamentary courtesy, ought to have been left to us.  They have sate in judgment on us, convicted us, condemned us to dissolution, and fixed the first of January for the execution.  Are we to submit patiently to so degrading a sentence, a sentence too passed by men who have not so conducted themselves as to have acquired any right to censure others?  Have they ever made any sacrifice of their own interest, of their own dignity, to the general welfare?  Have not excellent bills been lost because we would not consent to insert in them clauses conferring new privileges on the nobility?  And now that their Lordships are bent on obtaining popularity, do they propose to purchase it by relinquishing even the smallest of their own oppressive privileges?  No; they offer to their country that which will cost them nothing, but which will cost us and will cost the Crown dear.  In such circumstances it is our duty to repel the insult which has been offered to us, and, by doing so, to vindicate the lawful prerogative of the King.

Such topics as these were doubtless well qualified to inflame the passions of the House of Commons.  The near prospect of a dissolution could not be very agreeable to a member whose election was likely to be contested.  He must go through all the miseries of a canvass, must shake hands with crowds of freeholders or freemen, must ask after their wives and children, must hire conveyances for outvoters, must open alehouses, must provide mountains of beef, must set rivers of ale running, and might perhaps, after all the drudgery and all the expense, after being lampooned, hustled, pelted, find himself at the bottom of the poll, see his antagonists chaired, and sink half ruined into obscurity.  All this evil he was now invited to bring on himself, and invited by men whose own seats in the legislature were permanent, who gave up neither dignity nor quiet, neither power nor money, but gained the praise of patriotism by forcing him to abdicate a high station, to undergo harassing labour and anxiety, to mortgage his cornfields and to hew down his woods.