Such is the cycle of political revolution, the course pointed by nature in which constitutions change, disappear, and finally return to the point from which they started.  Anyone who clearly perceives this may indeed in speaking of the future of any state be wrong in his estimate of the time the process will take, but if his judgment is not tainted by animosity or jealousy, he will very seldom be mistaken to the stage of growth or decline it has reached, and as to the form into which it will change.  And especially in the case of the Roman state will this method enable us to arrive at a knowledge of its formation, growth, and greatest perfection, and likewise of the change for the worse which is sure follow some day.  For, as I said, this state, more than any other, has been formed and has grown naturally, and will undergo a natural decline and change to its contrary.  The reader will be able to judge of the truth of this from the subsequent parts this work.”

The modern reader may think that all this is irrelevant to him, that the natural sciences will solve all his problems.  He would be wise to recall that the great Roman republic in which Polybius lived more than [22]00 years ago, did indeed become transformed into tyranny and, in the end, into anarchy and oblivion.  No wonder that the makers of the American constitution keenly studied Polybius.  Not only has Taine’s comments and factual description of the cyclic French political history much to teach us about ourselves and the dangers which lie ahead, but it also shows us the origins and weakness of our political theories.  It is obvious that should ask ourselves the question of where, in the political evolution we are now?  Are we still ruled by the corrupt oligarchs or have we reached the stage where the people has become used to be fed on the property of others?  If so dissolution and anarchy is just around the corner.

“The Revolution, Vol.  II, 8th ed.

Svend Rom.   Hendaye, France.   February 2000.
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Preface: 

In this volume, as in those preceding it and in those to come, there will be found only the history of Public Authorities.  Others will write that of diplomacy, of war, of the finances, of the Church; my subject is a limited one.  To my great regret, however, this new part fills an entire volume; and the last part, on the revolutionary government, will be as long.

I have again to regret the dissatisfaction I foresee this work will cause to many of my countrymen.  My excuse is, that almost all of them, more fortunate than myself, have political principles which serve them in forming their judgments of the past.  I had none; if indeed, I had any motive in undertaking this work, it was to seek for political principles.  Thus far I have attained to scarcely more than one; and this is so simple that will seem puerile, and that I hardly dare express it.  Nevertheless I have adhered to it, and in what the reader is about to peruse my judgments are all derived from that; its truth is the measure of theirs.  It consists wholly in this observation:  that