that if we consider well what we are, and what our
enemies, I cannot see why we should be called NOBLE
any more than they. If it is because they are
followed by the plebeians, we are in a worse condition
on that account, and they in a better; for were it
to come either to arms or to votes, we should not be
able to resist them. True it is, we still preserve
our dignity, our precedence, the priority of our position,
but this arises from the former reputation of the
government, which has now continued fifty years; and
whenever we come to the proof, or they discover our
weakness we shall lose it. If you were to say,
the justice of our cause ought to augment our influence
and diminish theirs I answer, that this justice requires
to be perceived and believed by others as well as
by ourselves, but this is not the case; for the justice
of our cause is wholly founded upon our suspicion
that Cosmo designs to make himself prince of the city.
And although we entertain this suspicion and suppose
it to be correct, others have it not; but what is
worse, they charge us with the very design of which
we accuse him. Those actions of Cosmo which lead
us to suspect him are, that he lends money indiscriminately,
and not to private persons only, but to the public;
and not to Florentines only, but to the condottieri,
the soldiers of fortune. Besides, he assists any
citizen who requires magisterial aid; and, by the universal
interest he possesses in the city, raises first one
friend and then another to higher grades of honor.
Therefore, to adduce our reasons for expelling him,
would be to say that he is kind, generous, liberal,
and beloved by all. Now tell me, what law is
there which forbids, disapproves, or condemns men
for being pious, liberal, and benevolent? And
though they are all modes adopted by those who aim
at sovereignty, they are not believed to be such,
nor have we sufficient power to make them to be so
esteemed; for our conduct has robbed us of confidence,
and the city, naturally partial and (having always
lived in faction) corrupt, cannot lend its attention
to such charges. But even if we were successful
in an attempt to expel him (which might easily happen
under a favorable Signory), how could we (being surrounded
by his innumerable friends, who would constantly reproach
us, and ardently desire to see him again in the city)
prevent his return? It would be impossible for
they being so numerous, and having the good will of
all upon their side, we should never be secure from
them. And as many of his first discovered friends
as you might expel, so many enemies would you make,
so that in a short time he would return, and the result
would be simply this, that we had driven him out a
good man and he had returned to us a bad one; for his
nature would be corrupted by those who recalled him,
and he, being under obligation, could not oppose them.
Or should you design to put him to death, you could
not attain your purpose with the magistrates, for his