It is now long ago that I learned this lesson from General Armstrong, and resolved that I would permit no man, no matter what his colour might be, to narrow and degrade my soul by making me hate him.  With God’s help, I believe that I have completely rid myself of any ill feeling toward the Southern white man for any wrong that he may have inflicted upon my race.  I am made to feel just as happy now when I am rendering service to Southern white men as when the service is rendered to a member of my own race.  I pity from the bottom of my heart any individual who is so unfortunate as to get into the habit of holding race prejudice.

The more I consider the subject, the more strongly I am convinced that the most harmful effect of the practice to which the people in certain sections of the South have felt themselves compelled to resort, in order to get rid of the force of the Negroes’ ballot, is not wholly in the wrong done to the Negro, but in the permanent injury to the morals of the white man.  The wrong to the Negro is temporary, but to the morals of the white man the injury is permanent.  I have noted time and time again that when an individual perjures himself in order to break the force of the black man’s ballot, he soon learns to practise dishonesty in other relations of life, not only where the Negro is concerned, but equally so where a white man is concerned.  The white man who begins by cheating a Negro usually ends by cheating a white man.  The white man who begins to break the law by lynching a Negro soon yields to the temptation to lynch a white man.  All this, it seems to me, makes it important that the whole Nation lend a hand in trying to lift the burden of ignorance from the South.

Another thing that is becoming more apparent each year in the development of education in the South is the influence of General Armstrong’s idea of education; and this not upon the blacks alone, but upon the whites also.  At the present time there is almost no Southern state that is not putting forth efforts in the direction of securing industrial education for its white boys and girls, and in most cases it is easy to trace the history of these efforts back to General Armstrong.

Soon after the opening of our humble boarding department students began coming to us in still larger numbers.  For weeks we not only had to contend with the difficulty of providing board, with no money, but also with that of providing sleeping accommodations.  For this purpose we rented a number of cabins near the school.  These cabins were in a dilapidated condition, and during the winter months the students who occupied them necessarily suffered from the cold.  We charge the students eight dollars a month—­all they were able to pay—­for their board.  This included, besides board, room, fuel, and washing.  We also gave the students credit on their board bills for all the work which they did for the school which was of any value to the institution.  The cost of tuition, which was fifty dollars a year for each student, we had to secure then, as now, wherever we could.