a reaction. But vicissitudes so extraordinary
as those which marked the reign of Charles the Second
can only be explained by supposing an utter want of
principle in the political world. On neither side
was there fidelity enough to face a reverse.
Those honourable retreats from power which, in later
days, parties have often made, with loss, but still
in good order, in firm union, with unbroken spirit
and formidable means of annoyance, were utterly unknown.
As soon as a check took place a total rout followed:
arms and colours were thrown away. The vanquished
troops, like the Italian mercenaries of the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries, enlisted on the very field
of battle, in the service of the conquerors.
In a nation proud of its sturdy justice and plain
good sense, no party could be found to take a firm
middle stand between the worst of oppositions and
the worst of courts. When on charges as wild
as Mother Goose’s tales, on the testimony of
wretches who proclaimed themselves to be spies and
traitors, and whom everybody now believes to have
been also liars and murderers, the offal of gaols
and brothels, the leavings of the hangman’s
whip and shears, Catholics guilty of nothing but their
religion were led like sheep to the Protestant shambles,
where were the loyal Tory gentry and the passively
obedient clergy? And where, when the time of
retribution came, when laws were strained and juries
packed to destroy the leaders of the Whigs, when charters
were invaded, when Jeffreys and Kirke were making
Somersetshire what Lauderdale and Graham had made Scotland,
where were the ten thousand brisk boys of Shaftesbury,
the members of ignoramus juries, the wearers of the
Polish medal? All-powerful to destroy others,
unable to save themselves, the members of the two
parties oppressed and were oppressed, murdered and
were murdered, in their turn. No lucid interval
occurred between the frantic paroxysms of two contradictory
illusions.
To the frequent changes of the government during the
twenty years which had preceded the Restoration, this
unsteadiness is in a great measure to be attributed.
Other causes had also been at work. Even if the
country had been governed by the house of Cromwell
or by the remains of the Long Parliament, the extreme
austerity of the Puritans would necessarily have produced
a revulsion. Towards the close of the Protectorate
many signs indicated that a time of licence was at
hand. But the restoration of Charles the Second
rendered the change wonderfully rapid and violent.
Profligacy became a test of orthodoxy, and loyalty
a qualification for rank and office. A deep and
general taint infected the morals of the most influential
classes, and spread itself through every province
of letters. Poetry inflamed the passions; philosophy
undermined the principles; divinity itself, inculcating
an abject reverence for the Court, gave additional
effect to the licentious example of the Court.
We look in vain for those qualities which lend a charm