Hastings clearly discerned, what was hidden from most of his contemporaries, that such a state of things gave immense advantages to a ruler of great talents and few scruples.  In every international question that could arise, he had his option between the de facto ground and the de jure ground; and the probability was that one of those grounds would sustain any claim that it might be convenient for him to make, and enable him to resist any claim made by others.  In every controversy, accordingly, he resorted to the plea which suited his immediate purpose, without troubling himself in the least about consistency; and thus he scarcely ever failed to find what, to persons of short memories and scanty information, seemed to be a justification for what he wanted to do.  Sometimes the Nabob of Bengal is a shadow, sometimes a monarch.  Sometimes the Vizier is a mere deputy, sometimes an independent potentate.  If it is expedient for the Company to show some legal title to the revenues of Bengal, the grant under the seal of the Mogul is brought forward as an instrument of the highest authority.  When the Mogul asks for the rents which were reserved to him by that very grant, he is told that he is a mere pageant, that the English power rests on a very different foundation from a charter given by him, that he is welcome to play at royalty as long as he likes, but that he must expect no tribute from the real masters of India.

It is true that it was in the power of others, as well as of Hastings, to practise this legerdemain; but in the controversies of governments, sophistry is of little use unless it be backed by power.  There is a principle which Hastings was fond of asserting in the strongest terms, and on which he acted with undeviating steadiness.  It is a principle which, we must own, though it may be grossly abused, can hardly be disputed in the present state of public law.  It is this, that where an ambiguous question arises between two governments, there is, if they cannot agree, no appeal except to force, and that the opinion of the stronger must prevail.  Almost every question was ambiguous in India.  The English Government was the strongest in India.  The consequences are obvious.  The English Government might do exactly what it chose.

The English Government now chose to wring money out of Cheyte Sing.  It had formerly been convenient to treat him as a sovereign prince; it was now convenient to treat him as a subject.  Dexterity inferior to that of Hastings could easily find, in the general chaos of laws and customs, arguments for either course.  Hastings wanted a great supply.  It was known that Cheyte Sing had a large revenue, and it was suspected that he had accumulated a treasure.  Nor was he a favourite at Calcutta.  He had, when the Governor-General was in great difficulties, courted the favour of Francis and Clavering.  Hastings, who, less perhaps from evil passions than from policy, seldom left an injury unpunished, was not sorry that the fate of Cheyte Sing should teach neighbouring princes the same lesson which the fate of Nuncomar had already impressed on the inhabitants of Bengal.