Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 1 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 1,030 pages of information about Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 1.

Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 1 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 1,030 pages of information about Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 1.

The Commons resolved that acquisitions made by the arms of the State belong to the State alone, and that it is illegal in the servants of the State to appropriate such acquisitions to themselves.  They resolved that this wholesome rule appeared to have been systematically violated by the English functionaries in Bengal.  On a subsequent day they went a step further, and resolved that Clive had, by means of the power which he possessed as commander of the British forces in India, obtained large sums from Meer Jaffier.  Here the Commons stopped.  They had voted the major and minor of Burgoyne’s syllogism; but they shrank from drawing the logical conclusion.  When it was moved that Lord Clive had abused his powers, and set an evil example to the servants of the public, the previous question was put and carried.  At length, long after the sun had risen on an animated debate, Wedderburne moved that Lord Clive had at the same time rendered great and meritorious services to his country; and this motion passed without a division.

The result of this memorable inquiry appears to us, on the whole, honourable to the justice, moderation, and discernment of the Commons.  They had indeed no great temptation to do wrong.  They would have been very bad judges of an accusation brought against Jenkinson or against Wilkes.  But the question respecting Clive was not a party question; and the House accordingly acted with the good sense and good feeling which may always be expected from an assembly of English gentlemen, not blinded by faction.

The equitable and temperate proceedings of the British Parliament were set off to the greatest advantage by a foil.  The wretched government of Lewis the Fifteenth had murdered, directly or indirectly, almost every Frenchman who had served his country with distinction in the East.  Labourdonnais was flung into the Bastile, and, after years of suffering, left it only to die.  Dupleix, stripped of his immense fortune, and broken-hearted by humiliating attendance in ante-chambers, sank into an obscure grave.  Lally was dragged to the common place of execution with a gag between his lips.  The Commons of England, on the other hand, treated their living captain with that discriminating justice which is seldom shown except to the dead.  They laid down sound general principles; they delicately pointed out where he had deviated from those principles; and they tempered the gentle censure with liberal eulogy.  The contrast struck Voltaire, always partial to England, and always eager to expose the abuses of the Parliaments of France.  Indeed he seems, at this time, to have meditated a history of the conquest of Bengal.  He mentioned his design to Dr. Moore, when that amusing writer visited him at Ferney.  Wedderburne took great interest in the matter, and pressed Clive to furnish materials.  Had the plan been carried into execution, we have no doubt that Voltaire would have produced a book containing much lively and picturesque narrative, many just and humane sentiments poignantly expressed, many grotesque blunders, many sneers at the Mosaic chronology, much scandal about the Catholic missionaries, and much sublime theo-philanthropy, stolen from the New Testament, and put into the mouths of virtuous and philosophical Brahmins.

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Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 1 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.