Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 1 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 1,030 pages of information about Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 1.

Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 1 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 1,030 pages of information about Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 1.

The watchwords of the new Government were prerogative and purity.  The sovereign was no longer to be a puppet in the hands of any subject, or of any combination of subjects.  George the Third would not be forced to take ministers whom he disliked, as his grandfather had been forced to take Pitt.  George the Third would not be forced to part with any whom he delighted to honour, as his grandfather had been forced to part with Carteret.  At the same time, the system of bribery which had grown up during the late reigns was to cease.  It was ostentatiously proclaimed that, since the accession of the young King, neither constituents nor representatives had been bought with the secret-service money.  To free Britain from corruption and oligarchical cabals, to detach her from continental connections, to bring the bloody and expensive war with France and Spain to a close, such were the specious objects which Bute professed to procure.

Some of these objects he attained.  England withdrew, at the cost of a deep stain on her faith, from her German connections.  The war with France and Spain was terminated by a peace, honourable indeed and advantageous to our country, yet less honourable and less advantageous than might have been expected from a long and almost unbroken series of victories, by land and sea, in every part of the world.  But the only effect of Bute’s domestic administration was to make faction wilder, and corruption fouler than ever.

The mutual animosity of the Whig and Tory parties had begun to languish after the fall of Walpole, and had seemed to be almost extinct at the close of the reign of George the Second.  It now revived in all its force.  Many Whigs, it is true, were still in office.  The Duke of Bedford had signed the treaty with France.  The Duke of Devonshire, though much out of humour, still continued to be Lord Chamberlain.  Grenville, who led the House of Commons, and Fox, who still enjoyed in silence the immense gains of the Pay Office, had always been regarded as strong Whigs.  But the bulk of the party throughout the country regarded the new minister with abhorrence.  There was, indeed, no want of popular themes for invective against his character.  He was a favourite; and favourites have always been odious in this country.  No mere favourite had been at the head of the Government since the dagger of Felton had reached the heart of the Duke of Buckingham.  After that event the most arbitrary and the most frivolous of the Stuarts had felt the necessity of confiding the chief direction of affairs to men who had given some proof of parliamentary or official talent.  Strafford, Falkland, Clarendon, Clifford, Shaftesbury, Lauderdale, Danby, Temple, Halifax, Rochester, Sunderland, whatever their faults might be, were all men of acknowledged ability.  They did not owe their eminence merely to the favour of the sovereign.  On the contrary, they owed the favour of the sovereign to their eminence.  Most of them, indeed, had first attracted the notice of

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Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 1 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.