the account which Charlotte Grandison gives of her two lovers.  One of them, a fashionable baronet who talks French and Italian fluently, cannot write a line in his own language without some sin against orthography; the other, who is represented as a most respectable specimen of the young aristocracy, and something of a virtuoso, is described as spelling pretty well for a lord.  On the whole, the Earl of Bute might fairly be called a man of cultivated mind.  He was also a man of undoubted honour.  But his understanding was narrow, and his manners cold and haughty.  His qualifications for the part of a statesman were best described by Frederic, who often indulged in the unprincely luxury of sneering at his dependants.  “Bute,” said his Royal Highness, “you are the very man to be envoy at some small proud German court where there is nothing to do.”

Scandal represented the Groom of the Stole as the favoured lover of the Princess Dowager.  He was undoubtedly her confidential friend.  The influence which the two united exercised over the mind of the King was for a time unbounded.  The Princess, a woman and a foreigner, was not likely to be a judicious adviser about affairs of State.  The Earl could scarcely be said to have served even a noviciate in politics.  His notions of government had been acquired in the society which had been in the habit of assembling round Frederic at Kew and Leicester House.  That society consisted principally of Tories, who had been reconciled to the House of Hanover by the civility with which the Prince had treated them, and by the hope of obtaining high preferment when he should come to the throne.  Their political creed was a peculiar modification of Toryism.  It was the creed neither of the Tories of the seventeenth nor of the Tories of the nineteenth century.  It was the creed, not of Filmer and Sacheverell, not of Perceval and Eldon, but of the sect of which Bolingbroke may be considered as the chief doctor.  This sect deserves commendation for having pointed out and justly reprobated some great abuses which sprang up during the long domination of the Whigs.  But it is far easier to point out and reprobate abuses than to propose beneficial reforms:  and the reforms which Bolingbroke proposed would either have been utterly inefficient, or would have produced much more mischief than they would have removed.

The Revolution had saved the nation from one class of evils, but had at the same time—­such is the imperfection of all things human—­engendered or aggravated another class of evils which required new remedies.  Liberty and property were secure from the attacks of prerogative.  Conscience was respected.  No government ventured to infringe any of the rights solemnly recognised by the instrument which had called William and Mary to the throne.  But it cannot be denied that, under the new system, the public interests and the public morals were seriously endangered by corruption and faction.  During