During several months the contest in the House of Commons was extremely sharp.  Warm debates took place in the estimates, debates still warmer on the subsidiary treaties.  The Government succeeded in every division; but the fame of Pitt’s eloquence, and the influence of his lofty and determined character, continued to increase through the Session; and the events which followed the prorogation made it utterly impossible for any other person to manage the Parliament or the country.

The war began in every part of the world with events disastrous to England, and even more shameful than disastrous.  But the most humiliating of these events was the loss of Minorca.  The Duke of Richelieu, an old fop who had passed his life from sixteen to sixty in seducing women for whom he cared not one straw, landed on that island, and succeeded in reducing it.  Admiral Byng was sent from Gibraltar to throw succours into Port-Mahon; but he did not think fit to engage the French squadron, and sailed back without having effected his purpose.  The people were inflamed to madness.  A storm broke forth, which appalled even those who remembered the days of Excise and of South-Sea.  The shops were filled with libels and caricatures.  The walls were covered with placards.  The city of London called for vengeance, and the cry was echoed from every corner of the kingdom.  Dorsetshire, Huntingdonshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Somersetshire, Lancashire, Suffolk, Shropshire, Surrey, sent up strong addresses to the throne, and instructed their representatives to vote for a strict inquiry into the causes of the late disasters.  In the great towns the feeling was as strong as in the counties.  In some of the instructions it was even recommended that the supplies should be stopped.

The nation was in a state of angry and sullen despondency, almost unparalleled in history.  People have, in all ages, been in the habit of talking about the good old times of their ancestors, and the degeneracy of their contemporaries.  This is in general merely a cant.  But in 1756 it was something more.  At this time appeared Brown’s Estimate, a book now remembered only by the allusions in Cowper’s Table Talk and in Burke’s Letters on a Regicide Peace.  It was universally read, admired, and believed.  The author fully convinced his readers that they were a race of cowards and scoundrels; that nothing could save them; that they were on the point of being enslaved by their enemies, and that they richly deserved their fate.  Such were the speculations to which ready credence was given at the outset of the most glorious war in which England had ever been engaged.

Newcastle now began to tremble for his place, and for the only thing which was dearer to him than his place, his neck.  The people were not in a mood to be trifled with.  Their cry was for blood.  For this once they might be contented with the sacrifice of Byng.  But what if fresh disasters should take place?  What if an unfriendly sovereign should ascend the throne?  What if a hostile House of Commons should be chosen?