have been efficient.  The only question is, whether it would not have been worse than the disease.  The fault was in the constitution of the Legislature; and to blame those ministers who managed the Legislature in the only way in which it could be managed is gross injustice.  They submitted to extortion because they could not help themselves.  We might as well accuse the poor Lowland farmers who paid black-mail to Rob Roy of corrupting the virtue of the Highlanders, as accuse Sir Robert Walpole of corrupting the virtue of Parliament.  His crime was merely this, that he employed his money more dexterously, and got more support in return for it, than any of those who preceded or followed him.

He was himself incorruptible by money.  His dominant passion was the love of power:  and the heaviest charge which can be brought against him is that to this passion he never scrupled to sacrifice the interests of his country.

One of the maxims which, as his son tells us, he was most In the habit of repeating, was quieta non movere.  It was indeed the maxim by which he generally regulated his public conduct.  It is the maxim of a man more solicitous to hold power long than to use it well.  It is remarkable that, though he was at the head of affairs during more than twenty years, not one great measure, not one important change for the better or for the worse in any part of our institutions, marks the period of his supremacy.  Nor was this because he did not clearly see that many changes were very desirable.  He had been brought up in the school of toleration, at the feet of Somers and of Burnet.  He disliked the shameful laws against Dissenters.  But he never could be induced to bring forward a proposition for repealing them.  The sufferers represented to him the injustice with which they were treated, boasted of their firm attachment to the House of Brunswick and to the Whig party, and reminded him of his own repeated declarations of goodwill to their cause.  He listened, assented, promised, and did nothing.  At length, the question was brought forward by others, and the Minister, after a hesitating and evasive speech, voted against it.  The truth was that he remembered to the latest day of his life that terrible explosion of high-church feeling which the foolish prosecution of a foolish parson had occasioned in the days of Queen Anne.  If the Dissenters had been turbulent he would probably have relieved them; but while he apprehended no danger from them, he would not run the slightest risk for their sake.  He acted in the same manner with respect to other questions.  He knew the state of the Scotch Highlands.  He was constantly predicting another insurrection in that part of the empire.  Yet, during his long tenure of power, he never attempted to perform what was then the most obvious and pressing duty of a British Statesman, to break the power of the Chiefs, and to establish the authority of law through the furthest corners of the Island.  Nobody knew better than he that, if this were not done, great mischiefs would follow.  But the Highlands were tolerably quiet in his time.  He was content to meet daily emergencies by daily expedients; and he left the rest to his successors.  They had to conquer the Highlands in the midst of a war with France and Spain, because he had not regulated the Highlands in a time of profound peace.