prerogatives, its power had consisted, were completely broken.  No prince was ever in so helpless and distressing a situation as William the Third.  The party which defended his title was, on general grounds, disposed to curtail his prerogative.  The party which was, on general grounds, friendly to prerogative, was adverse to his title.  There was no quarter in which both his office and his person could find favour.  But while the influence of the House of Commons in the Government was becoming paramount, the influence of the people over the House of Commons was declining.  It mattered little in the time of Charles the First whether that House were or were not chosen by the people; it was certain to act for the people, because it would have been at the mercy of the Court but for the support of the people.  Now that the Court was at the mercy of the House of Commons, those members who were not returned by popular election had nobody to please but themselves.  Even those who were returned by popular election did not live, as now, under a constant sense of responsibility.  The constituents were not, as now, daily apprised of the votes and speeches of their representatives.  The privileges which had in old times been indispensably necessary to the security and efficiency of Parliaments were now superfluous.  But they were still carefully maintained, by honest legislators from superstitious veneration, by dishonest legislators for their own selfish ends.  They had been an useful defence to the Commons during a long and doubtful conflict with powerful sovereigns.  They were now no longer necessary for that purpose; and they became a defence to the members against their constituents.  That secrecy which had been absolutely necessary in times when the Privy Council was in the habit of sending the leaders of Opposition to the Tower was preserved in times when a vote of the House of Commons was sufficient to hurl the most powerful minister from his post.

The Government could not go on unless the Parliament could be kept in order.  And how was the Parliament to be kept in order?  Three hundred years ago it would have been enough for the statesman to have the support of the Crown.  It would now, we hope and believe, be enough for him to enjoy the confidence and approbation of the great body of the middle class.  A hundred years ago it would not have been enough to have both Crown and people on his side.  The Parliament had shaken off the control of the Royal prerogative.  It had not yet fallen under the control of public opinion.  A large proportion of the members had absolutely no motive to support any administration except their own interest, in the lowest sense of the word.  Under these circumstances, the country could be governed only by corruption.  Bolingbroke, who was the ablest and the most vehement of those who raised the clamour against corruption, had no better remedy to propose than that the Royal prerogative should be strengthened.  The remedy would no doubt