Happily for Charles, no European state, even when at war with the Commonwealth, chose to bind up its cause with that of the wanderers who were playing in the garrets of Paris and Cologne at being princes and chancellors.  Under the administration of Cromwell, England was more respected and dreaded than any power in Christendom and, even under the ephemeral governments which followed his death, no foreign state ventured to treat her with contempt.  Thus Charles came back not as a mediator between his people and a victorious enemy, but as a mediator between internal factions.  He found the Scotch Covenanters and the Irish Papists alike subdued.  He found Dunkirk and Jamaica added to the empire.  He was heir to the conquest and to the influence of the able usurper who had excluded him.

The old government of England, as it had been far milder than the old government of France, had been far less violently and completely subverted.  The national institutions had been spared, or imperfectly eradicated.  The laws had undergone little alteration.  The tenures of the soil were still to be learned from Littleton and Coke.  The Great Charter was mentioned with as much reverence in the parliaments of the Commonwealth as in those of any earlier or of any later age.  A new Confession of Faith and a new ritual had been introduced into the church.  But the bulk of the ecclesiastical property still remained.  The colleges still held their estates.  The parson still received his tithes.  The Lords had, at a crisis of great excitement, been excluded by military violence from their House; but they retained their titles and an ample share of the public veneration.  When a nobleman made his appearance in the House of Commons he was received with ceremonious respect.  Those few Peers who consented to assist at the inauguration of the Protector were placed next to himself, and the most honourable offices of the day were assigned to them.  We learn from the debates of Richard’s Parliament how strong a hold the old aristocracy had on the affections of the people.  One member of the House of Commons went so far as to say that, unless their Lordships were peaceably restored, the country might soon be convulsed by a war of the Barons.  There was indeed no great party hostile to the Upper House.  There was nothing exclusive in the constitution of that body.  It was regularly recruited from among the most distinguished of the country gentlemen, the lawyers, and the clergy.  The most powerful nobles of the century which preceded the civil war, the Duke of Somerset, the Duke of Northumberland, Lord Seymour of Sudeley, the Earl of Leicester, Lord Burleigh, the Earl of Salisbury, the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Strafford, had all been commoners, and had all raised themselves, by courtly arts or by parliamentary talents, not merely to seats in the House of Lords, but to the first influence in that assembly.  Nor had the general conduct of the Peers been such as to make them unpopular.  They had not, indeed,