Now the point must not be missed in this way.  What is wrong with the tyranny in Africa is not that it is run by soldiers.  It would be quite as bad, or worse, if it were run by policemen.  What is wrong is that, for the first time since Pagan times, private men are being forced to work for a private man.  Men are being punished by imprisonment or exile for refusing to accept a job.  The fact that Botha can ride on a horse, or fire off a gun, makes him better rather than worse than any man like Sidney Webb or Philip Snowden, who attempt the same slavery by much less manly methods.  The Liberal Party will try to divert the whole discussion to one about what they call militarism.  But the very terms of modern politics contradict it.  For when we talk of real rebels against the present system we call them Militants.  And there will be none in the Servile State.

THE SERVILE STATE AGAIN

I read the other day, in a quotation from a German newspaper, the highly characteristic remark that Germany having annexed Belgium would soon re-establish its commerce and prosperity, and that, in particular, arrangements were already being made for introducing into the new province the German laws for the protection of workmen.

I am quite content with that paragraph for the purpose of any controversy about what is called German atrocity.  If men I know had not told me they had themselves seen the bayoneting of a baby; if the most respectable refugees did not bring with them stories of burning cottages—­yes, and of burning cottagers as well; if doctors did not report what they do report of the condition of girls in the hospitals; if there were no facts; if there were no photographs, that one phrase I have quoted would be quite sufficient to satisfy me that the Prussians are tyrants; tyrants in a peculiar and almost insane sense which makes them pre-eminent among the evil princes of the earth.  The first and most striking feature is a stupidity that rises into a sort of ghastly innocence.  The protection of workmen!  Some workmen, perhaps, might have a fancy for being protected from shrapnel; some might be glad to put up an umbrella that would ward off things dropping from the gentle Zeppelin in heaven upon the place beneath.  Some of these discontented proletarians have taken the same view as Vandervelde their leader, and are now energetically engaged in protecting themselves along the line of the Yser; I am glad to say not altogether without success.  It is probable that nearly all of the Belgian workers would, on the whole, prefer to be protected against bombs, sabres, burning cities, starvation, torture, and the treason of wicked kings.  In short, it is probable—­it is at least possible, impious as is the idea—­that they would prefer to be protected against Germans and all they represent.  But if a Belgian workman is told that he is not to be protected against Germans, but actually to be protected by Germans, I think he may be excused for staring.  His first impulse, I imagine, will be to ask, “Against whom?  Are there any worse people to come along?”